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The pattern of social role interaction studied in Chapter 3 is an instance of a special kind of norm: a coordination norm. Seeing the pattern as a coordination norm links it to the large body work on such norms in game theory, philosophy, sociology, economics, and political science. The exchange of information in social role interactions is governed by a special kind of coordination norm: an informational norm. Coordination norms – and informational norms in particular – require that the parties to the norm have common knowledge that they will conform to it. When common knowledge collapses (as it may under the onslaught of surveillance), coordination under the norm becomes impossible. People may still coordinate their actions to realized shared goals, but it is significantly more difficult to do so.
People who resist surveillance object to it and try to prevent it. Pervasive surveillance undermines coordination under informational norms. It attacks coordination at a vulnerable point – its reliance on common knowledge. When common knowledge collapses, so does common-knowledge-facilitated coordination. History attests that coordination under informational norms can collapse across the board. The 1950–1990 East German Stasi is a case in point. The Stasi is a convenient reference point that makes current surveillance practices stand out in sharp relief. Resistance is problematic. People generally have a poor understanding of security issues, and even if one mounts a credible defense, a sufficiently skilled adversary can breach it. The rearguard action of preventing surveillance contributes little to the maintenance and creation of informational norms.
Interactions in social roles typically involve the exchange of information. Those exchanges create coordination problems. A coordination problem is a situation in which each person wants to participate in a group action but only if others also participate. The relevant group action in social-role-mediated exchanges of information puts conditions on the flow and use of information. It is easy to solve such coordination problems when it is common knowledge that parties will all conform to the conditions. People’s presentation of themselves in social roles create such common knowledge that they will conform to standards of thought and behavior associated with those roles. We offer six examples of how common knowledge solves the coordination problems that typify social role interaction.
People who resist surveillance object to it and try to prevent it. People who acquiesce to surveillance object to it but do not try to prevent it. Instead, they exchange information in ways required by informational norms. They do so to avoid trouble and get on with their lives. Acquiescence takes two forms – one when the party conducting surveillance is also a party to the norm, and one when it is not. In both cases, acquiescence leads to a compromised selective flow of information that reduces privacy in public.
Can governments elected under mixed-member majoritarian (mmm) electoral systems use geographically targeted spending to increase their chances of staying in office, and if so, how? Although twenty-eight countries use mmm electoral systems, scant research has addressed this question. The authors explain how mmm’s combination of electoral systems in two unlinked tiers creates a distinct strategic environment in which a large party and a small party can trade votes in one tier for votes in the other tier in a way that increases the number of seats won by both. They then explain how governing parties dependent on vote trading can use geographically targeted spending to cement it. These propositions are tested using original data from Japan (2003–2013) and Mexico (2012–2016). In both cases, municipalities in which the supporters of governing parties split their ballots as instructed were found to have received more money after elections. The findings have broad implications for research on mmm electoral systems, distributive politics, and the politics of Japan and Mexico.
Brain research in Europe is a rapidly evolving field, and increasingly at the forefront of science. Although considerable amounts of knowledge and innovative approaches have been generated, the translation into new health interventions is hindered by excessive fragmentation. Effective and efficient collaboration and cooperation among the various initiatives are often identified as a key success factor to achieve brain research full impact. EBRA fully responds to these needs by bringing together the various stakeholders and major brain research initiatives, at European level and beyond. EBRA creates the conditions for real and effective cross fertilisation, dialogue, building consensus and exploiting research potential. On the operational level, EBRA facilitates the emergence of research projects in specific areas in active clusters. A cluster is understood as a research community that can be directed towards basic research, clinical research and/or methodological approaches under a common topic and disease area within brain research. EBRA support clusters to: 1. Consolidate or expand further the research community expand their community, 2. Engage with policy makers and other relevant stakeholders, 3. Build consensus on various issues (research priorities, research roadmap, data sharing, etc.), 4. Promote links with existing research infrastructures, 5. Increase the visibility of the research community through communication and dissemination activities, 6. Coordinate the development of position/consensus papers, white papers, guidelines, meeting reports and/or other cluster outcomes. EBRA currently has 6 existing clusters: EPICLUSTER, Prevention of Severe Mental Disorders (PSMD)-cluster, TRISOMY21-cluster, BRAINFOOD-cluster., PREMOS-cluster and ECIB-cluster.
Brain research in Europe is a rapidly evolving field, and increasingly at the forefront of science. Although considerable amounts of knowledge and innovative approaches have been generated, the translation into new health interventions is hindered by excessive fragmentation. Effective and efficient collaboration and cooperation among the various initiatives are often identified as a key success factor to achieve brain research full impact. EBRA fully responds to these needs by bringing together the various stakeholders and major brain research initiatives, at European level and beyond. EBRA creates the conditions for real and effective cross fertilisation, dialogue, building consensus and exploiting research potential. At the strategic level, EBRA acts by fostering alignment and better coordination of research strategies across European and global brain initiatives. Therefore, an overview of the scale and scope of brain research activities funded in the EU framework programme and the funding initiatives of JPND, NEURON and HBP has been created. The results of the mapping exercise then underpinned the development of a Shared European Brain Research Agenda (SEBRA). The SEBRA focuses on research opportunities and research gaps to be addressed in the field, and priorities for action in the short- and long-term. It integrates pre-existing documents as well as expert (i.e., researchers, neurologists/psychiatrists, patient representatives) input that has been collected through surveys and in a dedicated expert workshop. The SEBRA will be used to provide recommendations on future areas for excellent, innovative, and translational research comprising those for maximized cooperation, reduced overlap, and fragmentation.
Decentralized coordination is one of the fundamental challenges for societies and organizations. While extensively explored from a variety of perspectives, one issue that has received limited attention is human coordination in the presence of adversarial agents. We study this problem by situating human subjects as nodes on a network, and endowing each with a role, either regular (with the goal of achieving consensus among all regular players), or adversarial (aiming to prevent consensus among regular players). We show that adversarial nodes are, indeed, quite successful in preventing consensus. However, we demonstrate that having the ability to communicate among network neighbors can considerably improve coordination success, as well as resilience to adversarial nodes. Our analysis of communication suggests that adversarial nodes attempt to exploit this capability for their ends, but do so in a somewhat limited way, perhaps to prevent regular nodes from recognizing their intent. In addition, we show that the presence of trusted nodes generally has limited value, but does help when many adversarial nodes are present, and players can communicate. Finally, we use experimental data to develop computational models of human behavior and explore additional parametric variations: features of network topologies and densities, and placement, all using the resulting data-driven agent-based (DDAB) model.
This review provides an overview of the existing literature on the importance of care coordination for lung cancer care and other cancers in general. The review is inclusive of the burden of cancer, with a special reference to lung cancer, as well as challenges and achievements relating to cancer care coordination.
We conducted a search of online databases of peer-reviewed studies published in the English language. The analysis for this review has been packaged into themes in order to generate results that can inform researchers and cancer health professionals, on the existing gaps necessary for developing appropriate intervention strategies and policy guidelines.
Cancer is a complex condition that often requires multiple interventions provided by a variety of health professionals within the healthcare continuum. This paper reviewed research studies that explored the supportive care needs of cancer patients. The results are presented in three superordinate themes, namely (a) cancer as a healthcare priority in South Africa (SA), (b) making a case for coordinated cancer care in SA, and (c) care coordination: a poorly defined, yet complex concept. One major need identified was the requirement of informational support. Other essential needs included referral, emotional, and financial support.
Significance of results
The identification of current obstacles has the potential to guide the development of a model to improve quality coordinated cancer health care. It remains that limited research exists around cancer services and cancer care in the South African region. This narrative review identified common elements and barriers to care for lung cancer patients and survivors, and offers recommendations for developing clinical care models.
The Arctic Contaminants Action Programme (ACAP), originally intended to follow up the work of AMAP (the Arctic Monitoring and Assessment Programme) on identifying the sources of pollution, became an official working group under the Arctic Council in 2006. ACAP has focussed on pollution from Russian sources, the main objective being to accelerate the reduction of national emissions of various environmental pollutants and climate forcers. Basically, ACAP initiates projects with a scientific basis in AMAP assessments of the health of the Arctic. The idea behind the creation of ACAP was to channel the work of the Arctic Council in a more practical direction and to improve the use of the knowledge produced by AMAP. ACAP is one of only two Council working groups not to have been specifically evaluated and analysed by external bodies and academics. This article undertakes a critical analysis of ACAP and argues that there are great potentials for improving its work. ACAP has established a forum where it has been possible to facilitate pilot projects aimed at limiting harmful emissions; this work should be strengthened.
The Twelfth battle of the Isonzo, between 24 October and 12 November 1917, was a traumatic moment in Italian history and threatened the very unity of the country. It originated with the results of the earlier battle. Although they had failed to achieve a decisive breakthrough, the Italians had advanced some 10 kilometres, which by Isonzo standards was a remarkable result. The Austro-Hungarians communicated to their German allies that they could not withstand another Italian attack and Hindenburg, despite the opposition of his subordinates, including Erich Ludendorff, reluctantly decided to mount a German and Austro-Hungarian counter-offensive
Leading lesser allies is a classic feature of coalition warfare. That was Britain’s task in the Entente. Through diplomacy and blackmail, London tried to reconcile Rome’s national interests with the needs of the Entente.
The paper focuses on a previously unexamined aspect of Marx's discussion on the 19th century English Factory Acts, and highlights its broader relevance for contemporary discussions about the role of institutions in a market economy. The capitalists' enlightened self-interest was to better husband their work force by limiting the workday and curtailing child labor, but market competition put them in a Prisoner's Dilemma creating an opportunism hazard. The ‘Factory Acts’ addressed the problem, but the state lacked the capacity to enforce them effectively. Marx held that the organized power of workers played an essential role in how the Factory Laws could gain traction at a time when state enforcement was unreliable. Organized labor's threats of sanction were credible enough to lower the expected benefit of non-compliance, enabling capitalists to commit to acting in their long-term, collective self-interest.
As noted by Bauer, real dvandva compounds – that is, coordinative compounds that properly express the aggregation of two different entities, not the intersection of properties in one entity – are extremely rare in English and Spanish. This article explores the empirical domain of dvandva compounding in Spanish, and notes that they are productive when not used as heads within their phrases. We propose that the explanation for this is that Spanish can only productively build dvandva compounds using flat structures without internal hierarchy. This causes the compound to look externally for a head noun that defines the interpretation of the relation established between the two members of the dvandva. The proposal also explains why proper names are preferred in dvandva compounding, given that they do not denote properties.
If apathy, risk, and information cannot explain the participation gap in the Muslim world, then what accounts for lower levels of political and economic activity in the region? The alternative theory that is developed here focuses squarely on interpersonal trust. It identifies two key conditions -- interdependence and uncertainty -- that, when met, make cooperation and coordination trust dependent. Different types of interpersonal trust are able to sustain collective action at different scales, with the broadest forms of cooperation and coordination requiring trust that is non-particularized, or not based on direct previous experience with the entrusted. Levels of trust and trustworthiness in the Muslim world are assessed, and the region is found to have high levels of honesty, but significantly less interpersonal trust. In contrast to some existing theories arguing that this distrust is culturally determined and unable to change, I find evidence that low trust expectations can indeed be updated. This speaks to the potential for collective action in the Muslim world, based on the high levels of trustworthiness there, if only individuals can learn to trust one another.
Social order in the Navy was produced vertically through formal institutions and professional practices that usually assured good governance. It was also produced horizontally through informal mechanisms that knitted seamen to one another, provided leadership and enabled cooperation. This social order could be fragile, however. Poor governance fomented grievances and incidents of misrule focused existing grievances on commanders. As grievances mounted, the informal groups that gave coherence to seamen’s lives provide a basis for protest. The challenge for seamen was coordinating a response and attaining the solidarity necessary to achieve their collective goals.
If there is no evidence of a religious resurgence in Turkey, what can explain the rise and sustained success of Islamic-based parties there? To understand the popularity of Islamic parties, like the AKP, a broader view of the Turkish electoral system as warranted: alongside the rise of the AKP came a sharp decline in electoral volatility -- vote swings between parties from election to election -- and in the share of votes that were wasted, cast for parties that failed to secure a seat in a given district. I argue that these two trends are not coincidental but are both based on matters of trust: low levels of interpersonal trust makes it difficult for voters within districts to vote strategically and successfully coordinate their individual votes into meaningful outcomes; but this trust problem is effectively solved within religious voters, to the comparative advantage of Islamic parties. Moreover, the ability of religious voters to coordinate their support for Islamic parties, and to do so consistently, helps to make these parties an attractive target for strategic votes from distrusting, conservative voters, even if they are secular. Analysis of panel data from the Turkish case provides empirical support for both hypotheses.
Seamen faced both grave dangers and profound uncertainty when considering rebellion. The detailed evidence that we have assembled on dozens of mutinies shows that they resulted from the convergence of long-standing structural grievances among seamen combined with incidental grievances that intensified discontent and focused it on the person of the captain. Rebellious seamen intentionally employed tactics that enhanced coordination and secured the commitment of their shipmates. The occupational culture and social capital of seamen provided them with resources that made mutiny possible.
Now in its fourth edition, this is the definitive step-by-step 'how to' guide to designing an organization. Building on information processing theory, the book proposes a holistic, multi-contingency model of the organization. This textbook communicates the fundamentals of traditional and new organizational forms, including up-to-date analysis of self-organizing, boss-less, digital, and sustainable organizations. Providing a framework for the practical implementation of organizational design changes, the authors break the process down into seven basic steps: (1) Assessing Goals, (2) Assessing Strategy, (3) Analyzing Structure, (4) Assessing Process and People, (5) Analyzing Coordination, Control and Incentives, (6) Designing the Architecture, and (7) Implementing the Architecture. Each step connects with one of the nine interdependent components of the multi-contingency model, and the authors also provide a logical query process for approaching each of these components. This is an ideal guide for managers or executives interested in assessing their organization and taking steps to redesign it for success, as well as for MBA and executive MBA students looking for an introduction to organizational design.
Fragmentation, institutional overlaps, and norm collisions are often seen as fundamental problems for the global (legal) order. Supposedly, they incite conflict and disorder. However, some scholars have also emphasised functional and normative advantages of the resulting institutional pluralism. We argue that the consequences of the increasing international institutional density are conditional on whether and how different norms, institutions, and authorities are coordinated. In distinction from the fragmentation framework in international law and the regime complexity framework in international relations, this introduction outlines an interface conflict framework that enables important insights into this question and guides the contributions assembled in this issue. It zooms in on the micro-level of conflict between actors that justify incompatible positional differences with reference to different international norms. In particular, the concept of interface conflicts allows studying the conditions under which overlaps and norm collisions become activated in conflicts as well as the ways in which such conflicts are handled. Foreshadowing the main findings of the contributions to this Special Issue, we hold that interface conflicts are neither inevitable nor unmanageable. Most importantly, it seems that, more often than not, conflicts stimulate cooperative forms of management and contribute to the building of inter-institutional order.