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This chapter examines a range of movement operations by which phrases can move to spec-CP. It begins by arguing (6.1) that wh-questions are CPs containing a wh-constituent which moves from some position below C into spec-CP. It goes on (6.2) to show how question words can pied-pipe additional material along with them when they move, and argues that this is in consequence of putatively universal principles governing movement. There is then (6.3) discussion of evidence that long Wh-Movement proceeds one clause at a time, and of constraints which determine how it applies. 6.4 examines the syntax of wh-exclamatives, arguing that these too involve Wh-Movement, and discussing the factors determining what moves where. 6.5 discusses various types of relative clause, and provides a Wh-Movement account of restrictive relative clauses, as well as sketching an alternative Antecedent Raising account. The chapter concludes with a summary (6.6), and a set of bibliographical notes (6.7). Accompanying free-to-download materials include a Workbook and Answerbook for students, and an Answerbook and set of PowerPoints for teachers.
In this article we try to determine the diachronic origin of a few sentential particles attested in some North-Eastern Italian dialects on the basis of their syntactic properties. The particles we consider are associated with specific clause types and can only appear in matrix non-declarative clauses; they generally occur in sentence-final position, and only some of them can follow the wh-item in an interrogative clause. They display the typical properties of X°-elements, and can therefore be analysed as functional heads of the CP layer; we present an analysis exploiting movement of the wh-item or of the whole clause to the specifier corresponding to the head occupied by the particle. The different distribution that characterizes the two main types of particles seems to depend on whether they derive etymologically from pronouns or from adverbs; the new properties developed in the grammaticalization process suggest that when an element is reanalysed as a functional category, it can further acquire the value of functional projections merged close to it in the structure.
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