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Third wave treats linguistic variation as “a social semiotic system” (Eckert 2012, 94) and examines the emergence of social meaning in the stylistic enactment of social personae (Eckert 2012 and 2016). This chapter further develops this emergent perspective on sociolinguist variation. Drawing on my research on Cosmopolitan Mandarin in China, I treat linguistic innovation and change as emergent stylistic resources that create meanings about (new) social distinction. I combine quantitative analysis of production data with examination of metapragmatic discourse to shed light on the processes through which the social meanings of this innovative linguistic style emerge. The analyses reveal a contested indexical field mediated by changing ideologies about social and linguistic normativity and authenticity. This chapter shows that Cosmopolitan Mandarin participates in a broader sociopolitical process of the transformation of stylistic regimes in China.
This chapter turns to the possibility that the AI systems challenging the legal order may also offer at least part of the solution. Here China, which has among the least developed rules to regulate conduct by AI systems, is at the forefront of using that same technology in the courtroom. This is a double-edged sword, however, as its use implies a view of law that is instrumental, with parties to proceedings treated as means rather than ends. That, in turn, raises fundamental questions about the nature of law and authority: at base, whether law is reducible to code that can optimize the human condition, or if it must remain a site of contestation, of politics, and inextricably linked to institutions that are themselves accountable to a public. For many of the questions raised, the rational answer will be sufficient; but for others, what the answer is may be less important than how and why it was reached, and whom an affected population can hold to account for its consequences.
Since the mid-1980s, China has experienced an unprecedented wave of internal migration from rural to urban areas. However, due to the lack of formal residential registration status (Hukou in Chinese), these rural–urban migrants have faced difficulties in re-establishing a sense of belonging to the host city. By using a nationwide survey (2013, n = 12,807) and multilevel logistic regressions, this study has found that, beyond social capital, institutional and financial support are most likely to help migrants adapt to their new lives. The Hukou reforms indeed are helping to construct their belonging to the host city. This study and its emphasis on place-related belonging enriches the meaning of sense of place, especially as it encourages a pluralistic concept. It attempts to understand place-related belonging as an embedded relationship between the individual and the local structure, a relationship that arises from the institutional, social and economic context.
This chapter examines the case of Hong Kong from the perspective of internal self-determination. It provides two distinct images of Hong Kong: as a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of China which enjoys a high degree of autonomy (and therefore, internal self-determination); and as an entity which is struggling to achieve universal suffrage (i.e. denial of internal self-determination). The chapter argues that in the struggle for universal suffrage, the principle and language of internal self-determination can play a mixed role. It can help Hong Kong people to articulate their demands for democracy; but it can also heighten tensions with China. Whatever the case may be, engaging with the concept of internal self-determination will be unavoidable.
The low retirement age has imposed a heavy economic burden on the pension system in China, leading to an ongoing debate about raising the retirement age. To understand the potential costs of raising the retirement age, we need to consider the health effects of retirement policies. Using the China Health and Retirement Longitudinal Study (CHARLS) from 2011 to 2015, this study employs the statutory retirement age as the exogenous variable of retirement and applies a fuzzy regression discontinuity design (RDD) to examine the effect of retirement on the health of Chinese elderly people. We find that retirement has a non-significant effect on health with respect to a series of health indicators, different bandwidths of RDD and sub-sample groups. The finding is also robust across different retirement definitions and retirement ages. This result may be attributed to the minimal changes in income and lifestyles before and after retirement. Moreover, the findings of this study provide important evidence for policy makers to increase retirement ages in China.
The Sumatra-born revolutionary, Tan Malaka, shared prison time in Hong Kong with Ho Chi Minh. In this chapter we see the then twenty-six-year-old Tan Malaka setting up in revolutionary Guangzhou under Communist International auspices. There, he networked with leading Sun Yat-sen government officials, co-hosted an important Asian trade union conference, and assumed a new role as editor and publisher. Known to Ho Chi Minh from Moscow days, the two would also meet in Guangzhou. Somewhat adrift in the Philippines prior to deportation to China, it could well have been Ho Chi Minh who summoned him to Hong Kong with a view to clarifying the status of the communist movement in Singapore/Malaya in the wake of a failed rebellion on Java. Tan Malaka was treated differently from his Vietnamese counterpart. He was arrested in the British colony, denied legal assistance, did not make a court appearance or gain media attention, although he did evade extradition to his homeland. Tan Malaka bequeathed a rich description of his experience in Victoria Prison and this chapter adds fresh detail on this episode, otherwise little acknowledged in Hong Kong writing.
The regulation of data has increasingly become a common feature of trade agreements. While all regulators would agree on the need to strike a balance between the clashing interests of different stakeholders, their approaches often differ in practice. The various regulatory approaches often reflect the different legal, political, economic, social and cultural backgrounds of different countries. Thereby, it is important to understand the inherent logic and mechanisms of the different regulatory regimes.
In this chapter, the focus lies on China, which is not only home to the largest e-commerce market in the world, but also has one of the most tightly regulated cyberspaces. By providing a detailed analysis of the rationale and operation of ‘data regulation with Chinese characteristics’, the chapter seeks not only to help understand this discrete regulatory model but also to find ways to deal with such a regime at the international level.
Much has been written about Cambodia's strongman, Prime Minister Hun Sen, who has been in power since 1985. Yet, the history of Hun Sen's early rise to a position of power in the Vietnam-initiated Cambodian revolution after June 1977 remains murky. Relying on Vietnamese and Cambodian archival documents, memoirs and interviews with former veterans of Unit 125 as well as Hun Sen's speeches and personal recollection of his historic journey to Vietnam on 20 June 1977, we make a two-fold argument. First, Hanoi's decision to establish an anti-Pol Pot Cambodian revolution in southern Vietnam to take over Cambodia—after toppling Democratic Kampuchea—was part of Hanoi's strategic plan to handle a double challenge: (1) to avoid being branded as an invader and (2) to establish a capable and friendly regime in Cambodia after the war. This provided an opportunity for a young Khmer Rouge defector, Hun Sen, to change his fortune by quickly earning the Vietnamese military leadership's trust and confidence based on his competence to organize and command the first army unit of the new Cambodian revolution, i.e. Unit 125. Second, as lucky as he was to flee across the heavily militarized border into Vietnam unharmed, Hun Sen's early rise to power is attributed to his survivalist instinct combined with shrewd strategic thinking.
Research shows that government-controlled media is an effective tool for authoritarian regimes to shape public opinion. Does government-controlled media remain effective when it is required to support changes in positions that autocrats take on issues? Existing theories do not provide a clear answer to this question, but we often observe authoritarian governments using government media to frame policies in new ways when significant changes in policy positions are required. By conducting an experiment that exposes respondents to government-controlled media—in the form of TV news segments—on issues where the regime substantially changed its policy positions, we find that by framing the same issue differently, government-controlled media moves respondents to adopt policy positions closer to the ones espoused by the regime regardless of individual predisposition. This result holds for domestic and foreign policy issues, for direct and composite measures of attitudes, and persists up to 48 hours after exposure.
It was the trial of a century in colonial Hong Kong when, in 1931–33, Ho Chi Minh - the future President of Vietnam - faced down deportation to French-controlled territory with a death sentence dangling over him. Thanks to his appeal to English common law, Ho Chi Minh won his reprieve. With extradition a major political issue in Hong Kong today, Geoffrey C. Gunn's examination of the legal case of Ho Chi Minh offers a timely insight into the rule of law and the issue of extradition in the former British colony. Utilizing little known archival material, Gunn sheds new light on Ho Chi Minh, communist and anti-colonial networks and Franco–British relations.
This chapter examines the legal and institutional regulatory framework for China’s financial markets, and evaluates how China may need to restructure its regulatory regime in order to keep up with market developments. The chapter first provides a detailed discussion of the current Chinese financial regulatory framework, and then identifies its major structural problems. In search of an appropriate agenda for reform of China’s financial regulatory structure, it conducts a comparative analysis of financial regulatory structures in overseas jurisdictions, as well as a contextual consideration of China’s local conditions. Finally, it discusses the recent developments and their implications for the future prospects of China’s transition to a Twin Peaks model of financial regulation.
As China’s financial system becomes more complex and integrated, interest in and discussion of potential structural reform has intensified. In particular, many commentators advocate for a move towards the Twin Peaks model, along the lines of Australia’s experience. This chapter begins with an overview of China’s financial sector and sources of risk to lay the foundation for a country-specific study. There follows a brief discussion of China’s current financial regulatory architecture and an examination of how the authorities have responded to the sources of risk laid down at the start of the chapter. The shortcomings of the regulatory responses to date have sparked a call for reform of the regulatory structure and these reform proposals are subject to scrutiny. It is concluded that Twin Peaks might serve as a model for China, which, as revealed, is not the latest reform trend announced by the Chinese government and what can be done next to address the unresolved problems after the implementation of the latest reforms.
China accounts for 17% of the global disease burden attributable to mental, neurological and substance use disorders. As a country undergoing profound societal change, China faces growing challenges to reduce the disease burden caused by psychiatric disorders. In this review, we aim to present an overview of progress in neuroscience research and clinical services for psychiatric disorders in China during the past three decades, analysing contributing factors and potential challenges to the field development. We first review studies in the epidemiological, genetic and neuroimaging fields as examples to illustrate a growing contribution of studies from China to the neuroscience research. Next, we introduce large-scale, open-access imaging genetic cohorts and recently initiated brain banks in China as platforms to study healthy brain functions and brain disorders. Then, we show progress in clinical services, including an integration of hospital and community-based healthcare systems and early intervention schemes. We finally discuss opportunities and existing challenges: achievements in research and clinical services are indispensable to the growing funding investment and continued engagement in international collaborations. The unique aspect of traditional Chinese medicine may provide insights to develop a novel treatment for psychiatric disorders. Yet obstacles still remain to promote research quality and to provide ubiquitous clinical services to vulnerable populations. Taken together, we expect to see a sustained advancement in psychiatric research and healthcare system in China. These achievements will contribute to the global efforts to realize good physical, mental and social well-being for all individuals.
This paper explores the perception and politics of air pollution in Shanghai. We present a qualitative case study based on a literature review of relevant policies and research on civil society and air pollution, in dialogue with air quality indexes and field research data. We engage with the concept of China's authoritarian environmentalism and the political context of ecological civilization. We find that discussions about air pollution are often placed in a frame that is both locally temporal (environment) and internationally developmentalist (economy). We raise questions from an example of three applications with different presentations of air quality index measures for the same time and place. This example and frame highlight the central role and connection between technology, data and evidence, and pollution visibility in the case of the perception of air pollution. Our findings then point to two gaps in authoritarian environmentalism research, revealing a need to better understand (1) the role of technology within this governance context, and (2) the tensions created from this non-participatory approach with ecological civilization, which calls for civil society participation.
Discusses education, looking specifically at how religious language interacts with educational settings where a teacher’s religious identity is a key part of their motivation for their work: Christians teaching English as a second or additional language in contexts where teachers are explicitly motivated by their religious beliefs.
Following unsuccessful attempts to keep the descendants of Nebuchadnezzar II on the throne, the usurper Nabonidus became king. Persian tribes had moved into Elamite lands, and the Medes made Harran a dangerous city; Nabonidus‘ mother, an aged acolyte of Ashurbanipal, resided there. His lengthy inscriptions are informative about his deeds and his character. He dedicated his daughter to the Moon-god at Ur according to precedent, and spent ten years in Arabia, leaving his son Belshazzar in charge in Babylon. He returned and restored the temple in Harran. Cyrus the Great brought his rule to an end, but continued to employ some high officials. Cyrus was probably of mixed Elamite and Persian descent. The Cyrus Cylinder, inscribed in Babylonian cuneiform for a Babylonian audience, used traditional denigration of the previous king Nabonidus, and acknowledged Marduk as Babylon’s god. In another cuneiform text, Nabonidus was mocked for his scholarly pretensions and for sacrilegious acts. Babylon continued to be the centre where all subsequent kings felt obliged to celebrate the New Year festival to be accepted as legitimate rulers. Old monuments were not defaced. Cyrus may have been responsible for an imitation of Babylon’s glazed bricks at Persepolis. He made his son Cambyses co-regent.
The introduction mirrors the volume’s overall structure. It begins with a review of the literature on post-2013 legal institutional reforms before turning to the context and content of procedural law changes and court reforms. The chapter then discusses the role of the Supreme People’s Court as an initiator of criminal procedure amendments and promoter of legal institutional reform. The most significant change in the judicial structure, which is caused by the introduction of the supervision commissions, is examined from the perspective of ongoing court reforms and the balance of power amongst the various actors within the judiciary. The introduction then turns to the criminal procedure law reforms enacted in 2012 and 2018, discussing the new mechanism of pretrial detention, the criminal justice reform goal of ‘trial-centredness’ and criminal reconciliation in public prosecution cases. As the contextual factors of criminal trials often have a decisive impact on the trial outcome, such factors as performance evaluations of courts and judges and media scrutiny of criminal cases are subsequently analysed. It concludes with a summary of the key issues and findings of the volume as a whole.
Is foreign aid an effective instrument of soft power? Does it generate affinity for donor countries and the values they espouse? This article answers these questions in the context of Chinese aid to Africa and the competing aid regime of the United States. The study combines data on thirty-eight African countries from Afrobarometer, AidData, and the Aid Information Management Systems of African finance and planning ministries. The authors use spatial difference-in-differences to isolate the causal effects of Chinese and US aid. The study finds that Chinese aid to Africa does not increase (and may in fact reduce) beneficiaries’ support for China. By contrast, US aid appears to increase support for the United States and to strengthen recipients’ commitment to liberal democratic values, such as the belief in the importance of elections. Chinese aid does not appear to weaken this commitment, and may strengthen it. The study also finds that Chinese aid increases support for the UK, France and other former colonial powers. These findings advance our understanding of the conditions under which competing aid regimes generate soft power and facilitate the transmission of political principles and ideals.
While mobile payments bring great benefits like convenience, flexibility and efficiency, they are not without risks. Among them, the data privacy risk is probably one of the most serious, which is largely caused and exacerbated by the involvement of multiple players and the extensive collection of personal information. China has been trying to consolidate and modernize its regulatory regime for data privacy to suit the needs of the new digital era. China has made great efforts to enact new laws and regulations to delineate the scope of personal information, introduce the obligations for data controllers and processors and incorporate the principles of the Fair Information Practices. However, there are some remaining concerns; the ineffective requirements of consent and disclosure, the ambiguous principle of purpose limitation and the limited applicability of the principle of data minimization. There is a need for China to enact a specific law for data protection, establish a unified law enforcement agency and enhance private and public enforcement. The issue of data privacy is not unique or limited to mobile payment and can apply to other sectors of Fintech and even beyond.
China has become one of the leaders in the global mobile payment market in terms of market volume, growth rate and innovation capability. This can be attributed to a number of enabling factors, including technological advancement in China, mobile payment’s competitive advantages and its wide acceptance by the Chinese people. Mobile payment brings significant benefits as well as various risks and thus should be regulated in a way that reaps its benefits while containing the risks. Over the past decade, China has gradually established a regulatory regime which is composed of various rules issued by different regulators in a piecemeal manner. China’s regulatory regime for mobile payment has several key elements, such as the entry and exit mechanism, management of customer reserves, anti-money laundering measures and consumer protection. The Chinese regulation has strengths and shortcomings, particularly in relation to the overall structure and approach of the regulation. There is also a need to address the negative effects on competition in the mobile payment market that may be brought by the high entry threshold and the centralized clearing mechanism.