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As vaccines are complex technologies that interact with the human body, their development is overseen by regulators in the administrative state. Countries structure the review of pharmaceutical products according to domestic rules and institutional design. As such, vaccines are reviewed as biologic products by regulatory authorities at the domestic level, such as the Therapeutic Goods Administration in Australia or the Pharmaceutical and Medical Devices Agency in Japan. The national basis of vaccine regulation inevitably leads to country-specific processes and timelines and may in some cases lead to different decisions.
Given the strong public health, societal, and economic benefits associated with the availability and widespread use of vaccines, an ideal scenario would dictate that vaccines needed to prevent and mitigate public health crises be treated as R&D priorities. Both domestic and international innovation policies would prioritize their development, and there would be mechanisms in place to ensure an equitable distribution of these vaccines. In practice, that is not the case.
We set out to assess the feasibility of community-focused randomized qualitative assessment at the start of an emergency to identify the root causes of fear-based responses driving the pandemic. We used key informant interviews, focus group discussions, reviewing of government and non-government organization documents, combined with direct field observation. Data were recorded and analyzed for key-themes: (1) lack of evidence-based information about Ebola; (2) lack of support to quarantined families; (3) culturally imbedded practices of caring for ill family members; (4) strong feeling that the government would not help them, and the communities needed to help themselves: (5) distrust of nongovernmental organizations and Ebola treatment centers that the communities viewed as opportunistic. On-the-ground real-time engagement with stakeholders provided deep insight into fear-based-responses during the Ebola epidemic, formed a coherent understanding of how they drove the epidemic, presenting an alternative to the standard disaster-response United Nations-strategy, producing community-driven solutions with local ownership.
Efforts to govern health globally have broadened considerably since the 1850s in terms of the subjects, goals, participants, and instruments of governance efforts. Originating in a thin, limited set of rules formally agreed by states, the contemporary global health system has evolved into a complex, dense, yet fragmented network involving governance processes both within and outside the health sector, engaging hundreds of state and non-state actors across all countries. Broader global trends shaped health governance, but key features of the current system also owe much to the particularities of specific events: the HIV/AIDS pandemic, West African Ebola crisis, and most recently Covid-19. Can contemporary networked governance processes can add up to a coherent, functional system for protecting global public health, or is more hierarchy needed? The World Health Organization is a central convenor, legitimator, adviser, and political arena in a fragmented system, but has not yet been empowered to assume the role of a directive coordinator. The extent to which major powers will construct a more hierarchical system is an open question in a world that is not yet post-Westphalian nor truly multipolar.
DRC’s fight with the EVD (Ebola Virus Disease) was just settling when WHO declared COVID-19 to be a Public Health Emergency of International Concern (PHEIC) on March 12, 2020. DRC’s economic growth decelerated from its pre-COVID level of 4.4% in 2019 to an estimated 0.8% in 2020. This has caused concomitant setbacks in the treatment and control of major health issues like HIV, tuberculosis, measles, rift valley fever and malaria in the country. This, coupled with civil unrest, other infectious diseases and risk to the safety of the health workers is a recipe for a ‘perfect storm’ waiting to unfold.
Chapter 1 starts by describing how, shortly after HIV was identified as the cause of AIDS, it became increasingly clear that the virus originated in Africa. Tests of archival blood samples, retrospective confirmation of early cases of AIDS and comparison of the genetic diversity of HIV in different parts of the world all pointed to central Africa, and especially the two Congos, as the probable location for the beginning of HIV’s journey. Studies of HIV subtypes provide the foundation for reconstructing the complex routes followed by the virus across the world. The example of Cuba illustrates how geopolitical events influenced the spread of HIV. The first epidemic of Ebola fever in a bush hospital in the Congo, as well as recent epidemics in the same country and in West Africa, are used to explain the peculiar characteristics of HIV that enabled it to cause a pandemic.
Africa has seen progress and setbacks with regard to the economic and socio-economic development after decolonization until ca. 2000. These are linked to historical and structural challenges, including the economic infrastructure the colonial powers left behind and the unfavourable geography of vast parts of the continent. In the post-colonial phase there has been much economic and trade dependence on the former colonial powers – giving rise to the dependency theory and the notion of neo-colonialism. There was often an unwillingness of the post-colonial leadership to set the course for the economies of their countries. And rentier states developed. Several initiatives – from Africa and beyond – have been proposed to deal with the economic misery, with those of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund being the dominant ones, pushing African initiatives aside.
The Epilogue does not summarize the already condensed version of African history and politics but offers some wider questions for reflection and asks the readers to engage with African affairs.
This concluding chapter maintains that Liberia’s battle to eradicate Ebola from 2014 to 2016 represented an interface wherein state-, nation-, and peace-building objectives converged. Whereas counterparts across Africa had waged nationalist struggles decades before against European colonialism, Liberian domestic and diasporic actors for the first time collaborated to fight a common enemy, Ebola, outside of themselves. As a direct response to deeply embedded inequalities in primary care, non-government Liberian actors at home and abroad embodied active citizenship by engaging in public health measures that reshaped how we envisage public authority in conflict-affected states. Their relatively successful struggles against an existential threat illuminated how the political economy of belonging to Liberia could be made manifest.
This chapter demonstrates further that the 2020 referendum proposition based on Liberia’s Dual Citizen and Nationality Act of 2019 would be moot without reconciling disputes over the meaning and practice of Liberian citizenship amongst actors of divergent social locations and life-worlds. It contends that a Liberian citizenship triad—which frames citizenship as identity (passive), practice (active), and a set of relations (interactive)—could be used as a model for theorising citizenship generally since it moves citizenship from the abstract and Eurocentric to the concrete and Afrocentric.
This article explores a smattering of thematic questions that criss-cross the articles in this special pandemics issue; it signposts some reverberations, overlapping responses, and problematic comparisons currently (mid 2020) being made between past pandemics and the tense experiences (and projections going forward) of COVID-19 across the world. The historical pandemics covered here offer an entry point to a fruitful set of genealogies, chronologies, epidemiologies, trajectories, and imaginaries linked to a host of issues: what makes a pandemic ‘global’? What does a global history perspective bring to the table? How does examining germs and genomes shed light on imperialism as a/the pandemic driver? Where do animals, the environment, and ecology fit in and why are they so often excluded from pandemic histories? What counts as medical humanitarianism when health knowledge, know-how, and cooperation ‘from below’ are sidelined? And what came/comes first: a pandemic or a changed world?
This chapter traces the imperial history of racial and environmental medical research, the economic drivers behind public health initiatives, and the legacies of colonialism in medical research and public health interventions in Africa. Examining this history of African encounters with development interventions around health provides much-needed context for breaking down misconceptions about African resistance to or ignorance of Western biomedical aid. The development episteme has perpetuated the idea that Africa is a place of disease and that Africans are resistant to treatments and cures. The nineteenth-century ad hoc campaigns to protect Europeans and segregate the sick from the healthy grew into state-sponsored public health programs during the interwar period. By World War II colonial development discourses on African health had shifted from the “white man’s grave” to biopower as states harnessed healthy bodies for productive purposes. Medical studies on declining populations, outbreaks of sleeping sickness or tuberculosis, STIs, and maternity and childcare sought healthcare solutions that would increase the productivity of labor. New hospitals, maternity centers, child welfare centers, and dispensaries brought some people relief and others terror. Scientists and officials used public health interventions and biomedical research to bolster the norms of the development episteme.
Strengthening health systems and maintaining essential service delivery during health emergencies response is critical for early detection and diagnosis, prompt treatment, and effective control of pandemics, including the novel coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). Health information systems (HIS) developed during recent Ebola outbreaks in West Africa and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) provided opportunities to collect, analyze, and distribute data to inform both day-to-day and long-term policy decisions on outbreak preparedness. As COVID-19 continues to sweep across the globe, HIS and related technological advancements remain vital for effective and sustained data sharing, contact tracing, mapping and monitoring, community risk sensitization and engagement, preventive education, and timely preparedness and response activities. In reviewing literature of how HIS could have further supported mitigation of these Ebola outbreaks and the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, 3 key areas were identified: governance and coordination, health systems infrastructure and resources, and community engagement. In this concept study, we outline scalable HIS lessons from recent Ebola outbreaks and early COVID-19 responses along these 3 domains, synthesizing recommendations to offer clear, evidence-based approaches on how to leverage HIS to strengthen the current pandemic response and foster community health systems resilience moving forward.
To evaluate the inclusion and exclusion of nutritional content in guidance materials related to nutritional care for hospitalised Ebola Virus Disease (EVD) patients of any age with the aim to provide recommendations for future revised nutritional care guidelines in Ebola Treatment Units (ETU).
Design:
Qualitative and quantitative analyses of ETU protocols and other guidance materials were conducted. Materials were obtained from practitioners, their organisations and governments active in EVD outbreaks since 2014.
Setting:
Guinea, Liberia, Sierra Leone and Democratic Republic of Congo.
Results:
Guidance materials showed a wide variety of topics. Most contained information on different feeding phases during illness, the use of specialised products, what and how to feed children aged 0–23 months, and meal and snack frequency for different age groups. Most materials lacked guidance on how to assess or accommodate patients’ dietary preferences, how to obtain feedback on nutritional care from patients or how to assess whether patients need feeding support. These aspects are particularly relevant to prevent deterioration of the patients’ nutritional status. There was limited guidance on operational aspects of food preparation and provision.
Conclusions:
Since 2014, numerous materials have been developed by organisations and governments on nutritional support in ETU. Although every EVD outbreak response must be contextualised because of the complexity of EVD and its case management, it is important to resolve technical differences and to provide comprehensive and more practical guidance. The findings of this study may inform future revised guidelines from normative UN organisations and governments of countries affected by EVD.
Despite growing international attention, the anthropological and socio-behavioral elements of epidemics continue to be understudied and under resourced and lag behind the traditional outbreak response infrastructure. As seen in the current 2019 coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, the importance of socio-behavioral elements in understanding transmission and facilitating control of many outbreak-prone pathogens, this is problematic. Beyond the recent strengthening of global outbreak response capacities and global health security measures, a greater focus on the socio-behavioral components of outbreak response is required. We add to the current discussion by briefly highlighting the importance of socio-behavior in the Ebola virus disease (EVD) response, and describe vital areas of future development, including methods for community engagement and validated frameworks for behavioral modeling and change in outbreak settings.
Chapter 6 discusses biosecurity in the transfer of human pathogens. In the aftermath of the 2014–2016 West Africa Ebola outbreak, there were thousands of Ebola samples that went unaccounted for as well as virus samples stored in facilities that did not have an appropriate level of biosecurity and biosafety. The chapter reviews the existing global governance mechanisms for addressing this biosafety and biosecurity concern, and the ongoing debate amongst donor countries as to the best path forward. The chapter describes efforts to support the Government of Sierra Leone to find and secure Ebola samples as foreign labs shut down, identifying the challenges of tracking all Ebola samples and their associated data, and efforts to place those samples in suitable inventoried repositories by local health authorities. The chapter concludes with recommendations for governments around the world to ensure that plans, procedures and regulations are in place prior to the chaos of an emergency in order to ensure that dangerous pathogens are handled in safe and secure manners, that data are preserved for research, and appropriate practices are implemented.
The prolongation of the Ebola epidemic may have allowed some countries to prepare and respond to the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) outbreak. In Uganda, the surveillance structure built for Ebola virus disease (EVD) has become a pillar in the COVID-19 response. This testing and tracing apparatus has limited disease spread to clusters with zero mortality compared with the neighboring East African countries. As more sub-Saharan countries implement social distancing to contain the outbreak, the interventions should be phased and balanced with health risk and socioeconomic situation. However, having a decision-making matrix would better guide the response team. These initial lessons from EVD-experienced Uganda may be helpful to other countries in the region.
To assess Liberian health care workers’ feelings around safety in returning to work in the setting of the Ebola virus disease outbreak of 2014–2015 after receiving infection prevention and control (IPC) training.
Methods:
Academic Consortium Combating Ebola in Liberia (ACCEL) training surveys were done at 21 public, Liberian hospitals to understand health care workers’ attitudes surrounding Ebola and whether they felt safe while at work based on multiple factors. Logistic regression was used for analysis.
Results:
We found that health care workers feeling safe at work during the Ebola outbreak was primarily predicted by the number of IPC/Ebola trainings received pre-ACCEL interventions. Health care workers felt increasingly safer and motivated to return to work as trainings approached 3 (OR 8, p-value < 0.001); however, more than 3 trainings resulted in decreased safety and motivation. In addition, health care workers who reported washing their hands before and after patient contact were 3.4 times more likely to understand how to protect themselves from Ebola.
Conclusions:
These results help to better understand the utility of repeated trainings on health care worker practice attitudes and the importance of IPC policies within hospitals, such as hand hygiene promotion and education, when coordinating humanitarian efforts.
This article describes implementation considerations for Ebola-related monitoring and movement restriction policies in the United States during the 2013–2016 West Africa Ebola epidemic.
Methods:
Semi-structured interviews were conducted between January and May 2017 with 30 individuals with direct knowledge of state-level Ebola policy development and implementation processes. Individuals represented 17 jurisdictions with variation in adherence to US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) guidelines, census region, predominant state political affiliation, and public health governance structures, as well as the CDC.
Results:
Interviewees reported substantial resource commitments required to implement Ebola monitoring and movement restriction policies. Movement restriction policies, including for quarantine, varied from voluntary to mandatory programs, and, occasionally, quarantine enforcement procedures lacked clarity.
Conclusions:
Efforts to improve future monitoring and movement restriction policies may include addressing surge capacity to implement these programs, protocols for providing support to affected individuals, coordination with law enforcement, and guidance on varying approaches to movement restrictions.
Vaccine trials for infectious diseases take place in a milieu of trust in which scientists, regulatory institutions, and volunteers trust each other to play traditional roles. This milieu of trust emerges from a combination of preexisting linkages embedded in the local and national political context. Using the case of failed vaccine trials in Hohoe, Ghana, we explore this milieu of trust by employing the concept of tandems of trust and control, with a particular focus on the perceived characteristics of the disease and the linkages formed. An analysis of qualitative interviews collected in Hohoe following the West Africa Ebola outbreak of 2014–2016 shows that the trust/control nexus in vaccine trials precedes the implementation of those trials, while both the characteristics of Ebola and the political context shaped the formation and breakdown of relationships in the trial network.
In his letter, Peace is a better focus than Ebola in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), David M. Brett-Major provides a vital reminder of the tragic undercurrent of violence and political instability dominating African regions currently impacted by the second worst Ebola outbreak in modern history. He characterizes health-centric activities as a “common mistake” to remedy the “vicious cycle” of endemic violence and disease outbreaks in DRC and surrounding areas. What is truly needed is a “concerted peace and development process, with health as a voice in a chorus – not alone.”