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The combination of sensitivity and large sky coverage of the ALFALFA HI survey has enabled the detection of difficult to observe low mass galaxies in large numbers, including dwarf galaxies overlooked in optical surveys. Three different, but connected, studies of dwarf galaxies from the ALFALFA survey are of particular interest: SHIELD (Survey of HI in Extremely Low-mass Dwarfs), candidate gas-rich ultra-faint dwarf galaxies, and the (Almost) Dark population. SHIELD is a systematic multiwavelength study of all dwarf galaxies from ALFALFA with MHI < 107.2M⊙ and clear optical counterparts. Candidate gas-rich ultra-faint dwarf galaxies extend the dwarf galaxy population to even lower masses. These galaxies are identified as isolated HI clouds with no discernible optical counterpart but subsequent observations reveal that some are extremely faint, gas-dominated galaxies. Leo P, discovered first as an HI detection, and then found to be an actively star-forming galaxy, bridges the gap between these candidate galaxies and the SHIELD sample. The (Almost) Dark sample consists of galaxies whose optical counterparts are overlooked in current optical surveys but which are clear detections in ALFALFA. This sample includes field gas-rich ultra-diffuse galaxies. Coma P, with a peak surface brightness of only ∼26.4 mag arcsec−2 in g’, demonstrates the sort of extreme low surface brightness galaxy that can be discovered in an HI survey.
Anorexia nervosa (AN) is a serious disorder incurring high costs due to hospitalization. International treatments vary, with prolonged hospitalizations in Europe and shorter hospitalizations in the USA. Uncontrolled studies suggest that longer initial hospitalizations that normalize weight produce better outcomes and fewer admissions than shorter hospitalizations with lower discharge weights. This study aimed to compare the effectiveness of hospitalization for weight restoration (WR) to medical stabilization (MS) in adolescent AN.
We performed a randomized controlled trial (RCT) with 82 adolescents, aged 12–18 years, with a DSM-IV diagnosis of AN and medical instability, admitted to two pediatric units in Australia. Participants were randomized to shorter hospitalization for MS or longer hospitalization for WR to 90% expected body weight (EBW) for gender, age and height, both followed by 20 sessions of out-patient, manualized family-based treatment (FBT).
The primary outcome was the number of hospital days, following initial admission, at the 12-month follow-up. Secondary outcomes were the total number of hospital days used up to 12 months and full remission, defined as healthy weight (>95% EBW) and a global Eating Disorder Examination (EDE) score within 1 standard deviation (s.d.) of published means. There was no significant difference between groups in hospital days following initial admission. There were significantly more total hospital days used and post-protocol FBT sessions in the WR group. There were no moderators of primary outcome but participants with higher eating psychopathology and compulsive features reported better clinical outcomes in the MS group.
Outcomes are similar with hospitalizations for MS or WR when combined with FBT. Cost savings would result from combining shorter hospitalization with FBT.
Most of this article will be concerned with the institutional organization of Athens’ public finances, but to provide the background to that I begin with some basic facts about income and expenditure. Athens’ finances, and Athenian administration generally, were on a larger scale and more complex than those of most Greek states – partly because Athens itself was an exceptionally large state, with a territory of 1,000 square miles (2,600 square kilometres) and a body of adult male citizens numbering perhaps 60,000 before the Peloponnesian War and 30,000 after; and partly because, in addition to its domestic business, for much of the fifth century Athens had the business of the Delian League to deal with and for forty years in the fourth century it had the business of its Second League. The Delian League was without precedent in the Greek world as an alliance founded with a view to ongoing warfare, and as an alliance to which many members from the beginning and almost all members after a while made contributions by annual cash payments of phoros (‘tribute’). Athens thus needed to develop skills in managing large and small sums of money to a much greater extent than other states. Athens’ administration depended largely on annually appointed officials, and our evidence gives prominence to the principle of accountability and to various accounting procedures; but, although Athens applied the principles in its own way, the principles were not distinctively Athenian or distinctively democratic: the use of rotating officials and of accounting procedures was widespread in Greek states of varying political complexions.
Acinetobacter is a well-recognized nosocomial pathogen. Previous reports of community-associated Acinetobacter infections have lacked clear case definitions and assessment of healthcare-associated (HCA) risk factors. We identified Acinetobacter bacteraemia cases from blood cultures obtained <3 days after hospitalization in rural Thailand and performed medical record reviews to assess HCA risk factors in the previous year and compare clinical and microbiological characteristics between cases with and without HCA risk factors. Of 72 Acinetobacter cases, 32 (44%) had no HCA risk factors. Compared to HCA infections, non-HCA infections were more often caused by Acinetobacter species other than calcoaceticus–baumannii complex species and by antibiotic-susceptible organisms. Despite similar symptoms, the case-fatality proportion was lower in non-HCA than HCA cases (9% vs. 45%, P < 0·01). Clinicians should be aware of Acinetobacter as a potential cause of community-associated infections in Thailand; prospective studies are needed to improve understanding of associated risk factors and disease burden.
We present a study of the temporal changes in the sensitivities of the frequencies of the solar p-mode oscillations to corresponding changes in the levels of solar activity during Solar Cycle 23. From MDI and GONG++ full-disk Dopplergram three-day time series obtained between 1996 and 2008 we have computed a total of 221 sets of m-averaged power spectra for spherical harmonic degrees ranging up to 1000. We have then fit these 284 sets of m-averaged power spectra using our WMLTP fitting code and both symmetric Lorentzian profiles for the peaks as well as the asymmetric profile of Nigam and Kosovichev to obtain 568 tables of p-mode parameters. We then inter-compared these 568 tables, and we performed linear regression analyses of the differences in p-mode frequencies, widths, amplitudes, and asymmetries as functions of the differences in as many as ten different solar activity indices. From the linear regression analyses that we performed on the frequency difference data sets, we have discovered a new signature of the frequency shifts of the p-modes. Specifically, we have discovered that the temporal shifts of the solar oscillation frequencies are positively correlated with the changes in solar activity below a limiting frequency. They then become anti-correlated with the changes in activity for a range of frequencies before once again becoming positively-correlated with the activity changes at very high frequencies. We have also discovered that the two frequencies where the sensitivities of the temporal frequency shifts change sign also change in phase with the average level of solar activity.
In our present-day secular society, which regards religion as an optional extra for those who like that sort of thing, it is trumpeted as a great discovery that, in classical Greece, religion was not an optional extra detached from the rest of society's working but was ‘embedded’ in the various workings of society. It is of course our society that is exceptional: religion has been embedded in most societies through most of human history. Christianity was far more effectively embedded in western societies in the past than it is now; there are still some links in England between the Church of England and the state, and there are rather stronger links in Norway between the Lutheran church and the state; some Christian festivals are still widely observed as public holidays; and, in other parts of the world (for instance, many countries in which Islam is the predominant religion), the links between religion and state are still much stronger.
In this book we are concerned with various aspects of the making and breaking of peace treaties. I concentrate here on various kinds of ambiguity with regard to treaties in the Greek world – concerning the extent to which the participants could choose to decide what actions counted as a breach of a treaty, and whether the breach was so blatant that the treaty could then be considered to be at an end; and concerning the use, whether innocent or deliberate, of ambiguous language that required interpretation in particular cases, where a state in a strong position might try to impose an interpretation that other states might consider unjustified.
I begin with a striking instance of Athens' deciding that an ally had broken his treaty with Athens, declaring that treaty to be at an end, and instead making an alliance with his opponent. In the 360s Athens was allied to Alexander, the tyrant of Pherae in south-eastern Thessaly, while Thebes supported the Thessalian koinon, i.e. the league of Thessalians opposed to Alexander. However, at the end of the 360s Alexander was defeated by Thebes, and, restricted on the mainland, turned to naval action against Athens. In 361/0 Athens reacted by making an alliance for all time with the koinon, and we have the text that was inscribed on stone in Athens.
The Greek philosopher Aristotle wrote that ‘man is by nature a political animal’, that is, one for whom life can best be lived in poleis, or city states (Politics, I. 1253 a 2–3, III. 1278 b 19). The purpose of this book is to present the world of the Greek city states, through a selection of ancient texts in translation, to students of ancient Greece and to students of political institutions. Its primary concern is with how the various states were governed, though a few texts of a more theoretical nature are included; it is not intended as a source book for narrative history, though inevitably it includes some texts of importance to students of narrative history.
It is not always certain what the correct reading of an ancient text should be (cf. p. 8). I have translated what I believe to be the correct readings, occasionally but not systematically mentioning alternatives which may be encountered: some texts have to be identified by reference to particular modern editions, but these editions are cited for purposes of identification only, and I have felt free to diverge from them at points where I believe them to be mistaken.
The translations are all my own. I have consulted other translations intermittently, so when my version is identical with another this will be due sometimes to coincidence, sometimes to my finding in the other version an expression on which I could not improve.
The standard Greek ideal was of self-sufficient agricultural communities, in which most households lived primarily off the produce of their own land. Ownership of land and citizenship tended to be linked, so that in Athens the right to own land and a house was a privilege granted to specially favoured metics but not enjoyed by most (cf. passage 168). In practice, even in the smallest and simplest communities some men might earn their living as craftsmen (though they might still own and cultivate some land); and, as communities developed, activities became more specialised and contact between different communities in different places increased, there will have been a growing range of possible livelihoods and a growing number of men who lived otherwise than as farmers (cf. already Solon of Athens, at the beginning of the sixth century: passage 32). The availability of slaves to do menial work led to its being considered degrading for a free man to be permanently employed in working for another (cf. passage 181).
Farming the most basic occupation
Plato in his Republic envisages as a minimal community a farmer and a few crafts men.
‘Come, then’, I said, ‘Let us in theory create a city from the beginning. What will create it, it appears, is our own need.’
‘So the first and greatest of our needs is the provision of food, for the sake of existence and life.’ […]
Political activity and political thinking began in the cities and other states of ancient Greece, and terms such as tyranny, aristocracy, oligarchy, democracy and politics itself are Greek words for concepts first discussed in Greece. Rhodes presents in translation a selection of texts illustrating the formal mechanisms and informal workings of the Greek states in all their variety. From the states described by Homer out of which the classical Greeks believed their states had developed, through the archaic period which saw the rise and fall of tyrants and the gradual broadening of citizen bodies, to the classical period of the fifth and fourth centuries, Rhodes also looks beyond that to the Hellenistic and Roman periods in which the Greeks tried to preserve their way of life in a world of great powers. For this second edition the book has been thoroughly revised and three new chapters added.
The topic of slavery in the Greek world attracted a good deal of attention in the heyday of Marxism, and more recently there has been interest in excluded categories of people more generally. Earlier parts of this book have focused on the perioikoi and helots of Sparta (passages 75–87), and on metics and other foreigners, and slaves, in Athens (passages 166–87). Throughout the Greek world within citizen families children (as still in the modern world, though there is disagreement over the age at which childhood ends) and women (as still everywhere until the end of the nineteenth century ad) also lacked the full rights of citizens. In this chapter I give an indication of what we know about their rights and their lives. As on all topics, for the classical period in Greece we have a larger quantity and a wider range of evidence for Athens than for other states, so most of the texts presented here are from Athens or refer to Athens; but I include some texts referring to other states, which sometimes agree but sometimes contrast with the Athenian evidence. Even from Athens, our evidence largely concerns the upper strata of society, and if upper-class women did lead largely secluded lives the same is not so likely to be true of lower-class women (cf., for instance, passage 173, and Aristotle, Politics, IV. 1300 a 6–7).
By the eighth century the Greeks were recovering from the primitive conditions of the dark age. As life became more secure and more prosperous, there was increasing contact among the Greeks, and between the Greeks and their non-Greek neighbours (the ‘barbarians’, people whose language was an unintelligible babble). Population grew, to the point where (in bad years, if not in all years) there was not enough home-grown produce to feed everyone: the problem was solved partly by trade, to import food (and other commodities in short supply at home, such as metals), and partly by exporting surplus population to apoikiai (‘colonies’), settlements around the coasts of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea which usually became independent city states in their own right.
This growth was thus a cause of tension within the cities. Although for a long time land remained the principal form of wealth, the availability of luxury goods from the east, and the possibility of a successful trading voyage, enabled a few men to become rich whose fathers or grandfathers had not been rich, while natural disasters or divison between too many sons might impoverish an old-established family whose wealth had seemed secure. (The adoption of that most hoardable and transportable form of wealth, coinage in precious metal, is now thought not to have occurred until near the middle of the sixth century, but precious metal was available earlier than coinage.)