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45 results

Page 1 of 3

  • Chapter 1 - Terminology in Transgender Medicine

  • from Section A - Contextual Transgynecology
  • Edited by Mick van Trotsenburg, Sigmund Freud PrivatUniversität, Wien, Rixt A. C. Luikenaar, Rebirth Health Center, Utah, Maria Cristina Meriggiola, Università di Bologna
  • Book:
    Context, Principles and Practice of TransGynecology
    Published online:
    22 December 2022
    Print publication:
    08 December 2022, pp 2-8

  • Summary

    Language in healthcare settings is important in order to better serve and understand the unique needs of various groups within transgender and gender diverse communities. Failure of healthcare professionals and institutions to adapt to evolving terminology contributes to the marginalization, invalidation, and exclusion of gender diversity in the medical field. Rather than dismissing or erasing unfamiliar identities, identifiers, or terminology, healthcare professionals should reflectively listen to how the patient affirms their autonomy and agency by using patient-provided terms. This chapter discusses the importance of using gender-affirming terminology in healthcare settings, reviews basic terms and definitions from a Western perspective, and provides recommendations for inclusive practices.

Journal of Medieval Military History
  • Volume XIII
  • With contributions by Andew Villalon , Dan Spencer , David S. Bachrach , Devin Fields , Michael Livingston , Michael S. Fulton , Nicolas Agrait , Oren Falk , Rabei G. Khamisy , Thomas K. Heebll-Holm and Tonio Andrade
  • Edited by Clifford J. Rogers, John France, Kelly DeVries
  • Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    25 May 2021
    Print publication:
    15 October 2015
  • Warfare on the periphery of Europe and across cultural boundaries is a particular focus of this volume. One article, on Castilian seapower, treats the melding of northern and southern naval traditions; another clarifies the military roles of the Ayyubid and Mamluk miners and stoneworkers in siege warfare; a third emphasizes cultural considerations in an Icelandic conflict; a fourth looks at how an Iberian prelate navigated the line between ecclesiastical and military responsibilities; and a fifth analyzes the different roles of early gunpowder weapons in Europe and China, linking technological history with the significance of human geography. Further contributions also consider technology, two dealing with fifteenth-century English artillery and the third with prefabricated mechanical artillery during the Crusades. Another theme of the volume is source criticism, with re-examinations of the sources for Owain Glyndwr's (possible) victory at Hyddgen in 1401, a (possible) Danish attack on England in 1128, and the role of non-milites in Salian warfare.
    Contributors: Nicolas Agrait, Tonio Andrade, David Bachrach, Oren Falk, Devin Fields, Michael S. Fulton, Thomas K. Heeboll-Holm, Rabei G. Khamisy, Michael Livingstone, Dan Spencer, L.J. Andrew Villalon

Royal and Urban Gunpowder Weapons in Late Medieval England
  • Volume 8
  • Dan Spencer
  • Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    25 March 2020
    Print publication:
    18 October 2019
  • First comprehensive study of English artillery in the late Middle Ages, bringing out its full impact on areas beyond the military.

  • 8 - Analysis of Guns

  • from Part III - Analysis
  • Dan Spencer
  • Book:
    Royal and Urban Gunpowder Weapons in Late Medieval England
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    25 March 2020
    Print publication:
    18 October 2019, pp 187-200

  • Summary

    THE ADOPTION OF GUNPOWDER weapons was one of the major developments of the Middle Ages. Establishing how this technology was adopted and adapted by medieval artificers is more difficult to determine, however, due to a lack of detail in the extant financial sources. Yet the preceding chapters have demonstrated that extensive evidence survives from other sources for English firearms in the late fourteenth to the fifteenth centuries. The information extracted from these sources can be used to answer key questions about the construction, maintenance, operation and movement of these guns, as well as the types of gunpowder and ammunition used to fire these weapons. This chapter explores these topics in detail.

    BRONZE GUN-MAKING IN ENGLAND

    The earliest record of firearms in English accounts dates from 1345, when an unspecified number of guns were repaired for the royal expedition to France, but the provenance of these weapons is unknown. Similarly, the process by which gun-making techniques were imported from the Continent is undocumented, although this had occurred by at least 1353, when four guns made out of a copper-alloy were produced for the privy wardrobe by a brasier, William de Algate. A variety of terms were used to describe guns made of copper-alloys, including copper (cupra), brass (aenum/eneus), laton (latone) and metal (metallo). This production method involved heating copper, along with another metal, almost always tin, at a sufficiently high temperature until it became liquid, after which it was then poured into a mould, usually of metal or clay. A range of different words were used to describe craftsmen who worked with copper-alloys, such as potters, latteners and founders, although the earliest recorded gun-makers appear to have been London brasiers, such as John Brassier of Cornhill, who made one gun for the privy wardrobe in 1361. As has been suggested by previous scholars, these professionals were pioneers in gun production as the techniques they employed for casting pots and cauldrons could easily be adapted for making early firearms. An example of this can be seen in the case of the gun depicted in the manuscript presented by Walter de Milemete to Edward III in 1327, which takes the form of a cauldron placed on its side on a wooden trestle.

  • 3 - English Royal Ships

  • from Part I - Royal
  • Dan Spencer
  • Book:
    Royal and Urban Gunpowder Weapons in Late Medieval England
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    25 March 2020
    Print publication:
    18 October 2019, pp 68-91

  • Summary

    IN LATE MEDIEVAL ENGLAND, royal ships were the personal property of the king, and their numbers fluctuated markedly over time. A royal navy did not exist as such and vessels were often disposed of to pay debts, as occurred after the death of Edward III in 1377. The construction and maintenance of vessels in the king's fleet were the responsibility of an official known as the clerk or keeper of the king's ships. His duties included the construction, repair, victualling and safe keeping of the royal ships. He was not responsible, however, for the vessels whilst they served in naval operations, which instead were transferred to admirals whose expenses were paid for by treasurers of war. The numbers of royal vessels varied over time, for instance twenty-seven ships were at sea in 1370, twenty in 1372 and thirteen in 1374. These ships only comprised a small proportion of the vessels used in naval expeditions, as the vast majority of ships used were hired or impressed merchant ships. Nevertheless, royal ships served an important role as warships, troop transports and as ships for diplomatic missions. The armament of these vessels changed considerably over the course of the fifteenth century. Henry V's great ship, the Grace Dieu of 1,400 tons, completed in 1420, was the largest royal vessel constructed before the seventeenth century, yet it only possessed three guns. By contrast, Henry VII's slightly smaller ship, the Regent of 1,000 tons, was equipped with a total of 225 guns for an expedition to Scotland in 1497. The intervening seventy-seven years had therefore witnessed a significant change in the use of artillery in naval warfare. This chapter traces how and why this development occurred.

    The principal source for the study of royal ships is the accounts of the keeper of the king's ships, which survive regularly for the years 1327–1452 and after a gap of thirty-two years survive intermittently from 1485 onwards. For the earlier period these exist in enrolled form in the foreign account rolls of the Exchequer. The accounts are in a standard format consisting of: the receipt of money, receipt of ships and equipment, purchases, expenditure of equipment and, finally, the remaining ships and equipment in the possession of the keeper.

  • 7 - Southampton

  • from Part II - Urban
  • Dan Spencer
  • Book:
    Royal and Urban Gunpowder Weapons in Late Medieval England
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    25 March 2020
    Print publication:
    18 October 2019, pp 170-184

  • Summary

    IT IS DIFFICULT TO trace the development of gunpowder weapons in most individual towns due to the fragmentary nature of the extant evidence and a lack of inventories. Fortunately, it is possible to carry out an in-depth study of the use of guns by the town governors of Southampton, due to a relative abundance of surviving sources. This chapter demonstrates that the town's experience of firearms, whilst sharing some similarities with other coastal settlements, was unique. By the middle of the fifteenth century, Southampton had become one of the most prosperous towns in England, largely as the result of having secured two staples, wool and metals, which were exported from the town by Italian merchants. This trade declined in the later years of the fifteenth century, with a fall in custom revenues in the early years of the reign of Edward IV, but it revived and reached a peak under the reign of Henry VII. The period also saw significant changes to the government of the community, with a charter of incorporation in 1445 and the creation of the county of the town of Southampton in 1447. These charters, and later ones, established the right of the town to self-governance and freedom from the interference of the county of Southampton or of the sheriff.

    The town was also important due to its military role in the late medieval period. It operated as a point of embarkation for many English armies transported to France and provided ships for naval expeditions. This meant that it was vulnerable to attack, as was demonstrated on 5 October 1388, when a French fleet attacked and burnt the town. Later, in 1457, the inhabitants were successful in repelling another French raid, in part due to the strength of their defences and artillery. The town was also embroiled in the factional conflict of the Wars of the Roses, as can be seen from a commission of array granted to the aldermen of the town on 28 April 1460, to resist the Yorkist lords and to ‘fortify the walls and make defences called “loupes” thereon, and to appoint watches, scouts and keepers of the gates day and night’. The inhabitants also participated in the military operations of the crown, such as in 1470, when soldiers were sent for the king's expedition to the north.

  • Conclusion

  • Dan Spencer
  • Book:
    Royal and Urban Gunpowder Weapons in Late Medieval England
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    25 March 2020
    Print publication:
    18 October 2019, pp 201-208

  • Summary

    MULTIPLE FACTORS WERE RESPONSIBLE for the adoption and development of firearms by the English crown and urban communities. The initial spread of guns was aided by the ease of their manufacture, with traditional techniques employed by metal workers utilised for the construction of these new weapons. In addition, the evidence provided by both royal and town records show that gunpowder weapons were often acquired as a response to external threats. This can be clearly seen in the case of the Calais garrison, where increases in the number of guns possessed by the garrison often took place during periods of tensions, such as in 1385–6, 1436 and 1450–1. Similarly, many towns acquired guns when they were threatened with attack, particularly in the 1450s and 1480s. As Chapter 7 on Southampton demonstrates, though, some settlements were more willing to invest in the new technology than others. Developments in artillery fortifications generally followed a similar pattern, with the decision to build bulwarks only being undertaken by the aldermen of some English towns in the second half of the fifteenth century, despite the construction of a bulwark near Southampton during the reign of Henry V. Likewise, investment in the defences of the Pale of Calais tended to be significantly increased when the territory was threatened with attack. This meant that there was often a delay between technological developments and the adoption of new gun types or fortifications.

    By contrast, royal influence played a more active role in encouraging the acquisition and development of firearms. This stemmed in part from the direct interest of most English kings in gunpowder weapons, with even the unwarlike Henry VI being witness to the testing fire of guns. The larger types of firearms, particularly the bombards, were prestigious and expensive weapons, often named after the king or other important individuals, and they were sometimes mentioned by name in chronicles. This meant that the deployment of royal guns became a symbol and expression of a sovereign's wealth, power and prestige, whether to impress rival rulers, as with Edward IV's expedition to France in 1475, or domestic rebels, such as with the Cornish rising of 1497.

  • Appendix F - Extracts from the Accounts of John Hampton 1430–2 – Purchases

  • from Appendices
  • Dan Spencer
  • Book:
    Royal and Urban Gunpowder Weapons in Late Medieval England
    Published by:
    Boydell & Brewer
    Published online:
    25 March 2020
    Print publication:
    18 October 2019, pp 219-220

  • Summary

    Purchased in diverse locations in England and France by command of the king for his aforesaid war within the time of the accounts (1430–2):

  • • Three large guns of iron, of which one called Henry, one called Hampton and one called Crown

  • • Sixteen guns of iron called fowlers, with thirty-three moveable chambers, not fixed or stocked

  • • Four guns of bronze called fowlers, with eight moveable chambers, not fixed or stocked

  • • 2,128lbs of iron worked

  • • 6,000lbs of iron not worked

  • • Twenty chaulders of sea coal

  • • Four large carts of iron and wood for moving guns, large guns and other things, each with one pair of wheels called trokels

  • • Four long carts of iron and wood made for use in the country of Picardy

  • • 1,550 gunstones

  • • Fifty chains

  • • Forty staples

  • • Forty pairs of hooks

  • • Forty plates of iron for moving oxen

  • • Eighty collars

  • • Twenty-five double oxbows containing 300 pieces

  • • 100 ‘pykeys’

  • • Fifty axes

  • • 200 shovels

  • • 200 spades

  • • Forty-two ‘scoops’

  • • Twelve ‘crowes’ of iron

  • • One axle beam of iron

  • • Seven weights of lead

  • • 996 hammers of lead

  • • Seven big pieces of lead weighing 3,525lbs

  • • One pair of bellows for smiths

  • • 800 shafts called spear shafts

  • • 710 lance heads

  • • 391 chests for arrows and bows

  • • 1,204lbs of gunpowder

  • • 5,164lbs of saltpetre liquid not dry or pestled in powder

  • • 5,200lbs of sulphur rough not dry in powder

  • • 280lbs of charcoal

  • • One stock to hold saltpetre, sulphur and charcoal

  • • 100 long pavises

  • • Five short pavises

  • • Three cords of hemp called hankers

  • • Eighteen stocks of wood and iron not bound for guns called fowlers

  • • Forty-two empty vessels

  • • Eight hogsheads

  • • Fourteen barrels

  • • Six ‘wassell’ of metal

  • • Three saddles called ‘lymour’ saddles

  • • Three cruppers for ‘lymour’ saddles

  • • Three backs (dosers) for the same

  • • Two collars of rope for cart horses

  • • Four ‘crebis of crunbz’ for great ordnance

    • £2,072 4s. 8½d.

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