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The dangerous uncertainties and complications of George Speight's coup in Fiji have been partly formed by his association with white-collar crime in Queensland. Speight's involvement in at least one fraudulent financial scheme in Brisbane helped to shape the events leading up to his seizure of parliament and kidnapping of the elected government of Fiji on 19 May 2000. This parody ofa coup, led by Speight (a failed businessman with no military experience) and a small contingent of ascetic SAS-styled soldiers, soon to be joined by a gaggle of rustics and Suva's lumpenproletariat, was a spectacle of the unexpected. Speight's adventurism today imposes immense costs on the people of Fiji. His financial schemes when he was living in Brisbane left a number of victims in Queensland.
The rise of ethnic nationalism (as expressed by the political ascent of Pauline Hanson and her One Nation Party) has created divisions within the Right of Australian politics and impediments to a privatisation program which had been proceeding under the aegis of the Labor Party and the Liberal-National Party Coalition over the last fifteen years. This paper focuses on how Pauline Hanson's One Nation Party has opposed privatisation of government assets on the basis that privatisation offers opportunities for subversive foreign capital to weaken national solidarity, which is conceived in ethnic and racial terms. The One Nation Party, this new anti-privatisation movement, is interpreted on two levels:
1 as one of a growing number of ethnic nationalist movements across the globe which are recurrent outcomes of hegemonic decline and increasing multipolarity in the world-system (e.g., the current situation of declining American hegemony being similar to the crisis of British hegemony in the interwar period of the early twentieth century)
2 as the outcome of neo-liberal policies (including privatisation) which have failed to produce full employment or to arrest the decline of the petite bourgeoisie, which forms the primary basis of the support for Hanson and her One Nation party.
With the rise of economic globalisation and the increasing power of supra-national forces (particularly major corporations), the capacities of national governments to regulate economic development have declined. However, the role of sub-national governments, particularly state governments, has grown, as national governments have looked to local and regional areas to achieve greater international competitiveness (Harding 1996: 645–647). Major corporations operate according to a global, ‘borderless’ rationale, while local and regional policy makers are very much bound by their spatial location (Keating 1993: 376–378). This paper assesses the capacities of state governments and local communities within a globalised economy to regulate development. It focuses on tourism in Queensland and Hawaii, through an examination of the careers of the initiators of the largest tourism developments in the two states — Keith Williams in Queensland and Christopher Hemmeter in Hawaii. Each has become a tourist icon in his respective state. Whereas Williams has a public image as a dogged pioneer and builder, Hemmeter's public image is of a restless cosmopolitan designer. The paper evaluates their two careers within the context of the contrasting approaches to regulation of tourism development in Queensland and Hawaii.
This paper provides a comparative perspective on the development of tourism in Queensland through analysing the history of tourism in Hawaii. Both Queensland and Hawaii are heavily dependent on tourism, with the future of tourism being a constant focus of public debate in each case. Since Hawaii embarked on tourism development decades before Queensland, the history of Hawaiian tourism may present some important lessons for tourism in Queensland. Also, Hawaii is Queensland's most important competitor for the Japanese and emerging Asian markets (such as South Korea, Taiwan and mainland China) in sun-and-surf tourism.
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