Five conjectures are proposed on the text of the third book of Propertius, one a slight alteration of an idea already proposed, four mainly original contributions: 1.23 postremo for post obitum, 4.18 supra uinctos for subter captos, 8.13 seu grege custodum for custodum gregibus (custodum grege seu Heinsius), 10.13 somnos for somnum, 11.40 adulta canis for adusta nota. One additional conjecture is made in passing on the text of Ovid, Epistulae ex Ponto 3.4.104, where duces probably ought to be read for uiros.

The continued dispersal of Palmer amaranth can impose detrimental impacts to cropping systems in Wisconsin. Our objective was to characterize the response of a recently introduced Palmer amaranth accession in southern WI to postemergence (POST) and preemergence (PRE) herbicides commonly used in corn and soybean. Greenhouse experiments were conducted with the WI putative herbicide-resistant accession (BRO), and two additional control accessions from Nebraska, a glyphosate-resistant (KEI2) and a glyphosate-susceptible (KEI3). Postemergence treatments were 2,4-D, atrazine, dicamba, glufosinate, glyphosate, imazethapyr, lactofen, and mesotrione at 1× and 3× label rates. Preemergence treatments were atrazine, mesotrione, metribuzin, S-metolachlor, and sulfentrazone at 0.5×, 1×, and 3× label rates. Plant survival of each accession was ≥ 63% after exposure to imazethapyr POST 3× rate. Survival of BRO and KEI2 was 44% (±13) and 50% (±13), respectively, after exposure to atrazine POST 3× rate. Survival of BRO was 69% (±12) after exposure to glyphosate POST 1× rate, whereas survival of KEI2 was 44% (±13) after exposure to glyphosate POST 3× rate. After exposure to 2,4-D POST 1× rate, KEI2 and KEI3 survival was 38% (±13) and 50% (±13), respectively. Survival of all accessions was ≤ 31% after exposure to 2,4-D POST 3× rate, or dicamba, glufosinate, lactofen, and mesotrione POST at either rate. Plant density reduction of KEI2 was 77% (±13) after exposure to atrazine PRE 1× rate, whereas density reduction of BRO was 56% (±13) after exposure to atrazine PRE 3× rate. Plant density reduction of all accessions was ≥ 94% after exposure to mesotrione PRE 1× and 3× rates, or metribuzin, S-metolachlor, and sulfentrazone PRE at either rate. Our results suggest that each accession is resistant (≥ 50% survival) to imazethapyr POST, that BRO and KEI2 are resistant to atrazine and glyphosate POST, and KEI2 and KEI3 are resistant to 2,4-D POST. The recently introduced BRO accession exhibited multiple resistance to imazethapyr, atrazine, and glyphosate POST. In addition, atrazine PRE was ineffective for BRO control, suggesting that diversified resistance management will be critical for its effective management.

In this paper, we determine the homotopy types of the Morse complexes of certain collections of simplicial complexes by studying dominating vertices or strong collapses. We show that if K contains two leaves that share a common vertex, then its Morse complex is strongly collapsible and hence has the homotopy type of a point. We also show that the pure Morse complex of a tree is strongly collapsible, thereby recovering as a corollary a result of Ayala et al. (2008, Topology and Its Applications 155, 2084–2089). In addition, we prove that the Morse complex of a disjoint union $K\sqcup L$ is the Morse complex of the join $K*L$ . This result is used to compute the homotopy type of the Morse complex of some families of graphs, including Caterpillar graphs, as well as the automorphism group of a disjoint union for a large collection of disjoint complexes.

Recent legalization of industrial hemp in the United States has led to increased interest among stakeholders to produce hemp for grain and fiber. However, owing to the lack of herbicides registered for use in hemp, producers are left with limited weed management strategies. Moreover, much of the agricultural land that could be used to cultivate industrial hemp may be prone to carryover of previously applied residual herbicides or physical drift from herbicides sprayed nearby. Industrial hemp sensitivity to herbicides is not well documented. Dose–response studies were conducted under controlled conditions in Madison, WI, screening two industrial hemp grain cultivars for tolerance to 44 preemergence and postemergence herbicides commonly used in corn and soybean. Treatments consisted of herbicides applied at 0×, 0.125×, 0.25×, 0.50×, 0.75×, 1×, 2×, and 4× the recommended maximum labeled rates based on soil type. Preemergence applications were delivered immediately after planting, whereas postemergence applications took place when hemp plants reached 5 to 10 cm in height. Nontreated plants served as the control and were used to estimate percent biomass reduction; dose–response curves were generated. Biomass reduction was >50% for rates under the suggested label rate for 23 preemergence and 21 postemergence herbicides tested. All herbicides tested resulted in >25% biomass reduction at the 0.125× rate, except for clopyralid applied preemergence and postemergence and saflufenacil applied preemergence. This is concerning, as the label rates are determined for effective weed control and the mitigation of herbicide resistance. Overall, these results indicate that industrial hemp is very sensitive to most herbicides tested. Growers should consider herbicide use history and surrounding crops when determining industrial hemp field selection to prevent significant plant injury due to herbicide carryover and drift. Further research into alternative methods of weed control will be vital to establishing hemp as a dominant crop once again.

Inequalities in voter participation between groups of the population pose a problem for democratic representation. We use administrative data on 6.7 million registered voters to show that a previously-ignored characteristic of voters—access to a personal automobile—creates large disparities in in-person voting rates. Lack of access to a car depresses election day voter turnout by substantively large amounts across a variety of fixed-effects models that account for other environmental and voter characteristics. Car access creates the largest hindrance to voting for those people who live farther from the polls. These effects do not appear for absentee voting, suggesting a simple policy solution to solve large disparities in political participation. This study contributes to the theoretic understanding of political participation as well as the impact of potential policy reforms to solve participatory gaps.

It is usual to put the New Woman writer Sarah Grand alongside Oscar Wilde to mark their differences. However, this essay suggests that these two authors had more in common than at first appears, both with regards to the fashioning of their literary identities and to their literary productions. Grand's compendious best-selling novel The Heavenly Twins (1893) is usually seen as realist fiction, but its interlude titled “The Tenor and the Boy,” which was actually composed much earlier, presents a stand-alone narrative that owes more to the romance mode and is much more playful in tone and spirit. It also deals with the decadent theme of the secret double life, although crucially and dramatically Grand focuses on female subterfuge. After juxtaposing Wilde's “Lady Alroy” (1887), another text about the female double life, with Grand's interlude, I subsequently consider decadent qualities common to both “The Tenor and the Boy” and other Wildean texts including theatricality, doubling, gender ambiguity, and queer desire.

In the Internet era, people can encounter a vast array of political news outlets, many with which they are unfamiliar. These unknown media outlets are notable because they represent potential sources of misinformation and coverage with a distinctive slant. We use two large survey experiments to consider how source familiarity influences political communication. Although this demonstrates the public is averse to consuming news from unfamiliar media, we show that—conditional on exposure to them—unknown local and foreign media sources can influence public opinion to an extent similar to established mainstream news outlets on the same issues. This comparable effectiveness stems from the public’s charitable evaluations of the credibility of unfamiliar news sources and their relatively low trust in familiar mainstream media. We find avoidance of unknown news outlets, not resistance to their coverage, is the primary factor limiting their political influence.

Background: The IVS10+14 mutation in the microtubule-associated protein tau gene, MAPT, is a rare point mutation that dysregulates tau splicing resulting in pathological aggregation. This mutation has been identified in three families with severe neurodegenerative disease. We characterized the clinicopathological features of a fourth, Canadian family with the IVS10+14 MAPT mutation and compared them to previously reported families. Methods: Clinical and neuropathological records from three family members with the IVS10+14 MAPT mutation were reviewed. Neuropathological section from one available case were analyzed. Results: Considerable interfamilial phenotypic heterogeneity is reported in all cohorts that express the IVS10+14 MAPT mutation, with prominent motor, cognitive, behavioural, and respiratory symptoms. The Canadian cohort also expressed profound sensory and sleep abnormalities, not reported previously. In the two siblings with available neuropathological records, neuropathological changes ranged from mild to severe. Conclusions: All families expressing the IVS10+14 MAPT mutation display striking inter- and intrafamilial clinical and neuropathologic phenotypic variability. Our cohort adds sensory and sleep abnormalities as potential symptoms and illustrates a lack of clear clinicopathological correlates for these heterogenous symptoms.

Reference: Maxwell et al. 2021. Clinical and Neuropathological Variability in the Rare IVS10+14 Tau Mutation. Neurobiology of Aging. In Press. DOI: 10.1016/j.neurobiolaging.2021.01.004.

The UK has recently adopted a policy of granting digital-only proof of immigration status for certain groups of migrants. More than 4.5 million individuals are reliant on this form of status and the number is growing. In this paper, we argue that this policy, as currently operationalised, is unlawful as a result of its discriminatory impact. If it remains unchanged, the roots of digital discrimination in immigration policy and administration will be allowed to spread, with potentially disastrous consequences.