Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Dedication
- Acknowledgements
- Preface
- Abbreviati Ons and Acronyms
- 1 Introduction: The ANC and the media post-apartheid
- 2 The relationship between the media and democracy
- 3 The media's challenges: legislation and commercial imperatives
- 4 Race and the media
- 5 Freedom of expression: the case of Zapiro
- 6 Social fantasy: the ANC's gaze and the media appeals tribunal
- 7 The Sunday Times versus the health minister
- 8 What is developmental journalism?
- 9 Concluding reflections: where is democracy headed?
- Eplogue
- Appendices 1
- Appendix 2
- Appendix 3
- References
- Index
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Dedication
- Acknowledgements
- Preface
- Abbreviati Ons and Acronyms
- 1 Introduction: The ANC and the media post-apartheid
- 2 The relationship between the media and democracy
- 3 The media's challenges: legislation and commercial imperatives
- 4 Race and the media
- 5 Freedom of expression: the case of Zapiro
- 6 Social fantasy: the ANC's gaze and the media appeals tribunal
- 7 The Sunday Times versus the health minister
- 8 What is developmental journalism?
- 9 Concluding reflections: where is democracy headed?
- Eplogue
- Appendices 1
- Appendix 2
- Appendix 3
- References
- Index
Summary
After the tensions and battles between the ANC and media since democracy which have been captured in this book's chapters, the year 2012 did not follow the same pattern. It was unpredictable, so typical of the postmodern condition. First, the much anticipated Press Freedom Commission report was released in April and this was welcomed very quickly by some of the most serious critics of the media – namely Gwede Mantashe and Jackson Mthembu, who attended the launch of the report on 25 April. They were once, and not so long ago, big proponents of the media appeals tribunal, which then seemed as if it would be put to bed – either for good or for now (there is no way of telling) but the matter would be sure to arise at the ANC elective conference at the end of 2012. Second, the National Council of Provinces, in a surprise move, announced fairly substantial concessions, which in effect granted a public interest defence amendment to the Protection of State Information Bill. But just as quickly these were rejected by the State Security Agency.
There are a few ways to view the progressive developments. One is that the ANC had seen that it had enough bad publicity, locally and internationally, over these twin issues – the Secrecy Bill and the media appeals tribunal – which cut straight through the freedoms of journalism in a democracy. The ANC decided it needed to make amends, as this was seriously embarrassing. Then, civil society actions, as in the protests by the Right2Know campaign, had an impact. At every turn in parliament the R2K engaged in protest action and made constructive legal feedback. And, further, the ANC was afraid it could be losing support, not only among the intelligentsia and middle classes, but also on the ground. It had witnessed, during the NCOP public hearings in the townships, how dissatisfied people were with service delivery and how they felt that secrecy would just make things worse. The recent developments are probably a combination of all these reasons. However, the gains made lasted a short while before the State Security Agency rejected the amendments to the Secrecy Bill and it was back to square one.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Fight for DemocracyThe ANC and the Media in South Africa, pp. 222 - 225Publisher: Wits University PressPrint publication year: 2013