The Precolumbian culture sequences for Mesoamerica and Peru, the two New World areas where native civilizations attained their greatest complexity, show, in each case, an alternation between periods of horizon-style unifications and periods of marked regional stylistic diversity. It is the thesis of the present essay that this alternating process of intense regional interaction broken by periods of lesser interaction is a vital one in the rise to civilizational complexity.

Recent research has identified a number of general factors with important effects on flaked-stone technology but has been less effective in solving the problem of examining these factors in specific archaeological contexts. This paper discusses this issue and presents a case study focused on mobility patterns in one area of coastal California to exemplify one approach to dealing with it. This study emphasizes the importance of considering, first, the ways in which local conditions mediate the effects of global aspects of human adaptations and, second, the interactions between multiple causal factors as conditioners of technology. This example highlights the role played by multiple, distinct technological strategies within a single pattern of activity as well as the potential ambiguity of the relations between these strategies and global mobility patterns.

Excavations at Mustang Springs on the southern High Plains of Texas have yielded a relatively fine-grained record of late Pleistocene to middle Holocene environments and climate. The site contains over 60 Altithermal age water wells, direct evidence of the human adaptive response to this locally severe drought and of a drop in the water table of nearly 3 m. New radiocarbon dates from the wellfield are substantially earlier than previously published age estimates, putting the age of well digging in a brief period at the onset of the Altithermal. Human adaptive strategies during this period are yet undetermined, but the evidence points to generalized and highly mobile strategies and to the conclusion that this wellfield is surely not unique. The geology of Mustang Springs helps explain the scarcity of other Altithermal age sites on the southern High Plains.

Fieldwork conducted on the Cape Bathurst Peninsula, Northwest Territories, Canada, has resulted in the discovery of 75 sites representing occupations spanning more than 3,000 years. Nearly all of the sites are characterized by the predominant use of a distinctive rock called a “clinker.” Resembling a basalt-to-obsidian-like material, it is formed by the spontaneous combustion of local organic-rich shales. The fusing occurs in burning areas called bocannes that are common along the Horton River and the cliffs along the eastern shore of the peninsula. Despite the evidence for intensive use on Cape Bathurst and the more general Mackenzie Delta region, none of the four potential quarry sources yielded evidence of actual prehistoric use. This is attributed to the dynamic nature of the formation and erosion of the bocannes over the last several thousand years.

The area around the confluence of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers has become a sharp focus of discussion about late Mississippian developments. The debate largely is based on the presence or absence of artifacts thought to be protohistoric or contact period horizon markers. Late deposits at Wickliffe Mounds (15BA4) have produced two such artifacts: astragalus dice and a head-effigy pot. Close study of the ceramic sequence and associated radiocarbon dates indicates that both “horizon markers” belong to the late prehistoric period of western Kentucky, and that neither can settle the debate about protohistoric occupation.

Continuing interest in the process of aggregation in the American Southwest requires accurate reconstruction of population figures for prehistoric pueblos. Since site size (rooms/floor space) often serves as a proxy for population size, evaluation of site growth is crucial for population reconstruction. Problems in dating are discussed with reference to Pot Creek Pueblo in northern New Mexico. The construction sequence is interpreted using 236 tree-ring dates and wall abutment relations between rooms. Site growth and changing site structure are described. Calculation of room use life permits formulation of two contrasting models of pueblo growth. Construction and remodeling dates indicate a short use life for the adobe rooms. I argue that, although the pueblo grew in surface area and numbers of rooms, population size may not have changed dramatically from A.D. 1270 to 1310, with population increase before abandonment at about 1320.

Recent studies have shown a relation between low- and high-frequency environmental variability and aspects of culture. This paper uses low-frequency alluvial and hydrological changes on the Colorado Plateaus and high-frequency changes in moisture availability for the northern Rio Grande between A.D. 1150 and A.D. 1600 to derive expectations for changes in settlement organization on the Pajarito Plateau. The expectations are evaluated using data on the distribution of population and field houses in elevation zones. Changes in population size and aggregation also are reviewed. Low-frequency processes especially appear to have played a role in settlement change until A.D. 1450. After this date, settlement does not conform to expectations. Reasons for this are suggested, including a poor understanding of low- frequency processes, conflict, and human-induced environmental degradation.

A recent review by Lynch of late Pleistocene sites in South America is impaired by numerous errors and misrepresentations. Although Lynch omits several important sites and often selectively uses data to support his own position, this comment addresses his review of the Monte Verde site in Chile. Although Lynch has not visited Monte Verde and has inspected few artifacts from the site, he questions the Pleistocene association of artifacts and the “hand of humans” in the site. Lynch’s interpretations are refuted on the grounds that he is unfamiliar with the site, that he reviewed obsolete publications, and that he often misrepresented material in these publications. The archaeological evidence for late Pleistocene human activity at Monte Verde is reviewed in terms of the site stratigraphy, chronology, and artifacts.

The description of major South American Pleistocene sites by Lynch (1990) contains significant errors and omissions. The artifact assemblage at the Colombian site of Tibitó, dated at 11,740 ± 140 B.P., is much larger than indicated by Lynch and well represents the Abriense industry, which features small unifacially retouched flake tools and core tools, with no stone projectile points. Lynch did not describe the 1976 stratigraphic profile at the Venezuelan site of Taima-Taima, and he failed to refer to the evidence for butchering of the juvenile mastodon with which an El Jobo projectile point fragment and a utilized flake were associated directly. The descriptions of Brazilian sites also feature serious mistakes. For the site of Alice Boër, Lynch overlooked a thick sterile stratigraphic unit (Bed IV) that intervenes between Bed III, with its thermoluminescence dates as early as 10,970 ± 1020 B.P. and radiocarbon dates as early as 14,200 ± 1150 B.P., and the artifact-bearing surface of Bed V. For Lapa Vermelha, Lynch failed to indicate that several artifacts were recovered from an older cemented cave fill that yielded radiocarbon dates of 22,410 B.P. and > 25,000 B.P. Lynch’s description of the site of Toca do Boqueirào da Pedra Furada does not correspond to eyewitness reports, and his description of the nearby Toca do Sitio do Meio was incomplete and confused. Finally, in his description of the stratigraphy of the Patagonian site of Los Toldos, Cueva 3 Lynch misquoted and misconstrued the original reports, which indicate clearly the stratigraphic priority and integrity of the Level 11 industry. For accurate descriptions of early South American archaeological sites, readers are urged to examine the original sources.

Dillehay and Collins (1991) and Gruhn and Bryan (1991) claim that my review (Lynch 1990) was impaired by errors and misrepresentations, yet they identify only one significant error–the too-early date attributed to Toca do Sitio do Meio. Inspection of the sources shows that my article contained no misrepresentations of the public record available to me at the time of writing. Selective use of sources is necessary in a review of this scale. A careful reading of the primary sources, as well as the other papers cited, will show that I have not misquoted, misconstrued, or taken statements out of context. We are dealing with differences of interpretation and emphasis. There is no such thing as an “obsolete publication,” at least until the information in it has been retracted formally. Understandably, Gruhn and Bryan have been zealots for their pre-Paleoindian cause. Hardly neutral or dispassionate, they have over-reacted to my bringing the other side forward.