One hundred and fifty years ago, in October 1860, the legendary dawn meeting at Teano between Giuseppe Garibaldi and Victor Emmanuel of Piedmont marked a momentary confluence of competing visions of Italian unification. Although the moment represented an ideological about-face for Garibaldi, his status as the most luminous hero of Italian unification continued to rise like a serene spirit, seemingly untainted by the contested realities of the nation he had helped to create. Of course, that generalisation ignores a thousand exceptions, and already from the 1950s and 1960s, authors such as Denis Mack Smith and Christopher Hibbert had underlined that Garibaldi's life and historic role were not without conflict or enmity (Mack Smith 1957; Hibbert 1965). But it remains true that, all told, Garibaldi's legacy and personal reputation have been characterised, until very recently, by an almost uncanny pact of agreement not to disagree – at least in public.

This article analyses the reaction to Garibaldi in Ireland during the Risorgimento, a reaction which, in its negativity, generally contrasted with the Italian's heroic depiction elsewhere. Attitudes towards Garibaldi reflected existing religious divisions in Ireland, with Protestants supporting him and Catholics condemning his actions in Italy. The study examines ballads, pamphlets and newspapers to illustrate the pro-papal fervour felt in Ireland and the strength of anti-Garibaldi feelings. The decision of Irishmen to form a battalion to fight in defence of the Papal States in 1860 reveals that, ultimately, denigration of Garibaldi became a badge of Irish nationalism. The study highlights the position of Britain in understanding the relationship between Ireland and Italy in these years, pointing out Irish nationalists’ bafflement over Britain's support for Italian unification while it denied similar rights to Irish subjects. The article demonstrates how, in this context, domestic and tactical considerations coloured responses to Garibaldi in Ireland, with Irish issues projected onto the Italian situation, thus leading to entrenched and extreme attitudes towards the Italian soldier.

This article analyses the place and meaning of female heroism in the process of the making of modern Italy. Beginning with Garibaldi's first wife Anita in Brazil, a great number of women all over the world were attracted to Garibaldi and his movement. Theirs was a sentimental and political engagement, which in some cases turned them into real soldiers, like those who joined the ranks of Garibaldi's troops. Whereas until 1860 the Garibaldinian volunteer was not understood as an exclusively male category, this changed around that key year, both in reality and in the collective imagination of the Risorgimento. Women were denied the right to be soldiers in Garibaldi's legendary Thousand. Subsequently, stories of militant women like Anita Garibaldi were softened in the foundation fictions that narrate the birth of Italy, turning women into passive members of the Italian nation. This change is analysed in depth by focusing on the emblematic case of Esperance von Schwartz, one of Garibaldi's biographers, and for a time, one of his female companions in arms.

This article explores the relationship between Italian heroism and literary history in relation to G.M. Trevelyan's Garibaldi trilogy. It firstly summarises some important features of the Victorian culture of public moralism that shaped Trevelyan's early work. It then discusses the influence of the poet, novelist and man-of-letters, George Meredith, on Trevelyan's Garibaldi books and historical practice. The comparison of Meredith and Trevelyan suggests that Trevelyan's Garibaldi trilogy should be understood as part of a project self-consciously undertaken by Victorian literary and political elites to consolidate, celebrate and, less frequently, to critique British liberal culture and politics. The article concludes that while a Mazzinian notion of dolcezza may have influenced Trevelyan's notion of the hero, his interest in the Risorgimento was ultimately motivated by the usefulness of Italy and Garibaldi in promoting what he considered to be a distinctly ‘English’1 form of ethical patriotism, whose intellectual antecedents – Whig gradualism, constitutional compromise in the form of parliamentary monarchy and a hierarchy-inflected anti-Republicanism – stood in ambivalent relation to the concept of democratic nationality.

Facing the controversial memory of the Risorgimento, Fascism was compelled to measure itself against Garibaldi, the nation's most celebrated and popular hero. The result was an exaltation of the alleged continuity between Redshirts and Blackshirts, marked by an emphasis on patriotic voluntarism that removed Garibaldi's adherence to the principles of liberty and democracy from his legacy. In the national discourse developed in the press and school textbooks, Garibaldi was harnessed to the ideological needs of the regime and held up as the embodiment of the Italian people's heroic militarism. However, as this article shows, the eclectic nature of Fascist culture left room for more radical interpretations that did not fit the image of Garibaldi as a ‘disciplined revolutionary’. Particularly among left-wing and younger Fascists, Garibaldi became the precursor of the corporatist revolution, an icon of populism melding values of social transformation, moral intransigence and patriotic self-abnegation. This emphasis on the hero's radical legacy was to reappear glaringly between 1943 and 1945, when the civil war between Fascists and partisans also became a battle over the symbols and memories of the Risorgimento.

This essay examines the presence of Garibaldi in the politics of contemporary Italy by focusing in particular on the publications released on or around the occasion of the 200th anniversary of the birth of the hero in the milieux that oppose the Italian state and contest the idea of an Italian nation. After a brief review of previous political appropriations (and rejections) of Garibaldi in the course of modern Italian history, the essay examines the ideological ingredients and rhetorical strategies of the representations of Garibaldi produced by Northern League and neo-Bourbon ideologues, which also surface in extreme neo-fascist and ultra-Catholic groups. It shows that while some ‘anti-myth’ ingredients are shared across this politically diverse constellation, others are more specific to their individual components. In particular Northern League ideologues use some of the clichés of the discourse of Italian character (in the negative) to claim their own difference (in the positive). The essay also points out that the visibility enjoyed by these versions of Italian history is greatly enhanced by the availability of new media technologies such as the internet (with the related effect of ‘group polarisation’), as well as by the presence of the Northern League in the ruling right-wing coalition led by media mogul Berlusconi, who has an inordinate degree of control over the national media.

At the end of 2009, Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi announced that 2010 would be the year of reforms in Italy (Il Sole 24 Ore, 26 December 2009). Indeed Mr Berlusconi and the question of institutional reforms have been the crucial elements of Italian political discourse and debate in recent years. However, while much has been said and written about the former, a number of key questions still beg to be answered about the latter. First of all, what reforms are we talking about? Are these a specific package of institutional engineering or are they, rather, an eye-catching and consensus-building yet still diffused set of aspirations? In either case, what vision of twenty-first-century Italy do they reflect or propose? Is there consensus enough – within and across parliamentary coalitions – on what the priorities ought to be and how they should be tackled?