We describe tombs and ceramic collections in Zapotec style excavated in central Mexico, outside Oaxaca. The most notable are 13 ceramic vessels and objects from the Xoo complex (a.d. 500–800) excavated by José García Payón in Calixtlahuaca (near the city of Toluca), and three Zapotec-style tombs excavated in Los Teteles (near the city of Puebla). We also mention Zapotec remains excavated near Tula, Hidalgo, and tombs in other parts of central Mexico. We briefly explore the implications of these data for our understanding of central Mexico after the fall of Teotihuacan.

Abstracto

Con base en dos textos “proféticos” para el katun 13 Ahau contenidos en el Chilam Balam de Maní y en la concordancia hecha por Barrera Vásquez y Rendón para los textos paralelos que aparecen en el Chumayel, Kaua, y Maní, exploro símbolos, significados y saberes construídos por los mayas yucatecos respecto a uno de los más graves y recurrentes problemas de su historia: la plaga de langosta (Schistocerca piceifrons piceifrons). Los pronósticos van más allá del hambre y la enfermedad previsibles. Saak' aparece con el potencial destructivo suficiente para poner en crisis el ecosistema, la sociedad y hasta el orden cósmico. Los sabios que escribieron las profecías revelan un amplio conocimiento de la plaga, de los alcances de su impacto y, desde lo profundo de su cultura, hacen una propuesta para evitar que la crisis lleve a la ruptura social y a mayor sufrimiento y mortandad.

Several studies over the past 20 years have argued for an explicit connection between a hieroglyphic record of war, the so-called star war, and the observation of Venus. To the last, these studies have relied on statistical treatments or simple numerical coincidence to substantiate their claims. In this paper I challenge the results of these studies on two levels. First, I demonstrate that the iconographic evidence that inspired the association between Venus and the “star war” verb is itself unstable; then I appeal to the historical contexts of the rulers engaged in this warfare to see if, as individuals, there is evidence that they held such a belief. In both cases, I show that the evidence does not support a ritual timing of Classic Maya warfare by the phases of Venus. At end, I turn to philological consideration to propose a new reading for the “star war” verb.

In Classic Maya society, the stela was an important medium through which historical information was conveyed. Stelae are free-standing stone slabs carved in low relief that usually depict portraits of rulers, which are accompanied by hieroglyphic texts recording the rulers' identity and actions. Recent research has focused on the stela not only as a carrier of information but also as an important cultural symbol in its own right. In 1985, Linda Schele and David Stuart proposed that the Classic Maya called the stela a te'-tun, or stone-tree. This identification led to the recognition of cultural continuities among the Highland Maya in Chiapas who, on occasion, substitute trees for individual crosses on their cross shrines. In 1996, Stuart suggested that the ancient Maya word for stela was lakamtun, or big stone, emphasizing that the stela was an embodiment of the royal self in the sense that it shared some of the divine essence of the ruler. Drawing on epigraphic research, anthropological theory, the ethnographic literature, as well as personal field observations, I propose that certain spiritual and symbolic concepts of the stela continue to live in the crosses among the Maya today and that these concepts should be considered when we evaluate ancient contexts of meaning for the Maya stela.

Ancient Maya monumental art was designed to enact the physical, social, and ritual hierarchy. Physically, sculpture created barriers and access patterns that altered movement through sites. Monumental architecture separated ritual participants in buildings from audiences in the plazas below. Access to monuments and portrayals on monuments in part defined social and power hierarchies. Motifs were altered to communicate various forms of power appropriate to each context and audience. Complex supernatural themes and ritual roles demonstrated hierarchical differences among the ruler and other nobles, while more simplistic representations of a powerful ruler demonstrated the separation of the ruler from commoners.

The Pakbeh Regional Economy Program is studying the vexing questions of economic life among the ancient Maya in northwestern Yucatan, Mexico. The region constitutes an ideal laboratory in which to investigate these questions, as it has very limited agricultural potential and fewer options for intensification than are found in the southern and central lowlands, yet many times more people lived here during the Classic period than can eke out a living today, and it has abundant evidence of market trade. Because crop yields in outfields are very low, and known intensification techniques are possibly incapable of sufficient yield enhancement, we anticipated that it would be an easy task to demonstrate that this population was dependent on imports of food and other necessities of life from beyond the region and therefore had a complex exchange economy. Twelve years later, we report on how wrong we were. We are still struggling with an evaluation of agricultural insufficiency. We explore the many and varied lines of evidence we have pursued and the confounding factors inherent in them, including problems with reconstructing ancient population size, equating contemporary and historical crop yields and farming practices, as well as ancient with modern environmental conditions, and hypothesizing potential forms of agricultural intensification, including intensive fertilization and other yield enhancement techniques, and reliance on alternative crops. The best that we can say at this juncture is that using contemporary production and consumption standards, the most conservative population estimates, and the most liberal estimates of available land in the surrounding region, we can conclude only that regional agricultural self-sufficiency remains unlikely but not proved. What initially seemed like an archaeological “no-brainer” has required us to delve into the realm of archaeological epistemology that we would like to share with our colleagues.

In 1931 and 1932, George Vaillant and Sigvald Linné excavated 34 burials and 17 offerings dating to the Early Postclassic period (a.d. 900–1150). The features were located on the ruins of the Classic-period site of Teotihuacan and within the boundaries of a roughly 25–50 ha zone identified by the Teotihuacan Mapping Project as having a dense Early Postclassic-period occupation. The results of Vaillant's excavations have not been published. An examination of the Vaillant–Linné data sheds new light on Early Postclassic-period mortuary ritual and social organization. The identification of several types of burials shows that local people conducted primary and secondary mortuary rituals and indicates the presence of at least two social strata at the site. The content of the burials and offerings supports a division of the Early Postclassic period into two local phases, Mazapan (ca. a.d. 900–1000) and Atlatongo (ca. a.d. 1000–1100/1150), with these features dating to the earlier phase.

Assumptions concerning the late dating of Middle Formative ceramics in the northern Maya lowlands and similarities between this region and areas to the south underlie mainstream interpretations that the northern Maya lowlands was slower to develop cultural complexity. This paper is a re-evaluation of these assumptions and their impact on interpretations of Formative interaction. Recent research at Yaxuna, Yucatan, Mexico is discussed in light of alternative approaches to the study of sociopolitical interaction among early complex societies.

Evidence from the Tuxtla Mountains in southern Veracruz suggests that Teotihuacan established a base at Matacapan, the region's top-ranking center, sometime during the Early Classic period. This development in Tuxtlas's prehistory was associated with the founding of Matacapan, a major shift in settlement pattern, and the presence of substantial amounts of Fine Buff, a lower fired variant of Fine Orange that resembles Copa ware, a common Middle Classic-period ceramic service ware at Teotihuacan. Teotihuacan's influence at Matacapan, as monitored ratios of candelero- and tripod support to rim sherds, increased markedly in the succeeding early Middle Classic period but declined in the late Middle Classic and early Late Classic periods. At the same time, Teotihuacan's influence extended well into the countryside, where it was present not only at other large sites, but also at small villages and hamlets. These developments were associated with changes in the amount and kind of obsidian traded to the Tuxtlas. The total volume of obsidian traded to the Tuxtlas in the Middle and Late Classic periods was huge: from 7.5 to 19.6 metric tons per year. Matacapan had preferred status as far as the consumption of green obsidian was concerned, and in general, pre-Hispanic settlements in the Tuxtlas consumed more of this material than neighboring areas such as La Mixtequilla and the Hueyapan region. When Teotihuacan declined in importance and its influence throughout Mesoamerica waned, a much smaller amount of obsidian—in particular, material from Pachuca—was traded to the Tuxtlas. This is precisely what we would expect if the Central Mexican city was no longer the conveyor of obsidian over long distances, and some other center—perhaps Cantona or El Tajin—replaced Teotihuacan as the primary distributor of obsidian to southern Veracruz.

Both the accidental as well as the purposeful discovery of a large number of anthropomorphic peg-based sculptures in the Banderas Valley in the states of Jalisco and Nayarit during the 1990s have provided a corpus of contextual and iconographic data that, along with conquest-period ethnographic data, allow for an assessment of the date and function of such figures. In addition, because of the similarity of these sculptural figures to ones of comparable dates in Central America, the case for significant pre-Hispanic coastal contacts between the two areas is reinforced.

The challenge in summing up the active life and productive career of any famous person is to put the important facts on record while steering a respectful path between hagiography and recitation of his curriculum vitae. We attempt to do this for our esteemed colleague and mentor, one of Mesoamerica's last originals, Gareth W. Lowe (Figure 1). With his death on March 8, 2004, in Tucson, Arizona, at age 82, Gareth left behind a legacy that reaches far beyond his well-deserved international reputation. Gareth spent 50 years of his life working in Mesoamerica, principally on the Formative period in Chiapas, Mexico. He first went to southern Mexico in 1953 as a crew member of the newly organized New World Archaeological Foundation (NWAF). Two years later, the NWAF was rescued by the sponsorship of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, and much later (in 1976) it became part of Brigham Young University. Gareth served two stints as NWAF field director (1956–1959, 1961–1975), basically as de facto director, and finally served officially as director from 1975 to 1987. In a real sense, Gareth was the NWAF, and its successes and agenda were largely his. The story of one cannot be understood without the other.

Systematic data on about 1,200 blades from this site were summarized in terms of three ceramic phases (defined by Love 2002b) for the same site. That is, we assigned blades to phases based on the ceramic content of each provenience. Regular phase-by-phase decreases occurred in blade dimensions, weights, and length-to-width ratios. We predicted these results based on earlier findings from the site of La Blanca (Nance and Kirk 1991). The trend appears also within the latest Pitahaya phase, even at the level of the excavation unit. Blade densities decrease through Pitahaya deposits, as well, and the blade sequence is discussed in terms of an increased scarcity of obsidian or obsidian blades traded to the region.

The discovery of words in a Nahua language on a Maya ceramic vessel provides evidence of Nahua influence in the Maya region as early as a.d. 480, centuries earlier than previously believed. The words are spelled in syllabic Maya signs painted on a pot known to have contained chocolate (Hall et al. 1990). The words occur within the context of the primary standard sequence, a well-known Maya formula, and describe the chocolate drink that among the later Mexica (Aztec) was reserved for “rulers and esteemed noblewomen.” This new reading supports the Uto-Aztecan etymology of cacao proposed by Karin Dakin and Søren Wichmann (2000) and their assertion that an economically and militarily powerful Nahua-speaking people were responsible for the spread of the word cacao into southern Mesoamerica. More broadly, these findings have implications for the role of Uto-Aztecan speakers in the formation and spread of Mesoamerican civilization.

To provide some insights into the nature and role of warfare in the rise, development, and decline of Classic Maya civilization, this article discusses spear, dart, and arrow points used by the Classic Maya elites at the rapidly abandoned fortified city of Aguateca, Guatemala, and their temporal and spatial distribution patterns in and around Copan, Honduras. Both the royal family and elite scribes/artists at Aguateca used spear and dart points for intergroup human conflict as well as for artistic and craft production under enemy threat. An important implication is that the ruler and elite scribes/artists were also warriors. The unusually high concentrations of identifiable weaponry at the Early Classic hilltop center of Cerro de las Mesas as well as the Acropolis and other Late Classic locations in the Copan Valley, along with other lines of evidence, indicate that warfare was critical in the development and downfall of Classic Maya civilization at Copan.