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Artificial word formation in the epic tradition: θοῦρος (‘fierce’) and the formula θούριδος ἀλκῆς

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 March 2023

Lucien van Beek*
Affiliation:
Leiden University
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Abstract

The Homeric adjectives θοῦρος and θοῦρις (gen. -ιδος) are normally glossed as ‘rushing, impetuous, furious’. While θοῦρις exclusively qualifies feminine nouns, no feminine form of θοῦρος is attested. What was the exact relationship between θοῦρος and θοῦρις? In this paper it is argued that θοῦρις is not the paradigmatic feminine of θοῦρος, but an artificial formation of epic Greek. It arose in the formula θούριδος ἀλκῆς due to the metrical constraints of epic hexameter, and subsequently ousted the original feminine of θοῦρος. In elaborating this scenario, I show that the basic meaning of θοῦρος and θοῦρις is ‘fierce’. Other instances of artificial change of inflection in the Homeric Kunstsprache are discussed, and it is argued that the mechanism underlying their creation is linguistic contamination.

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Research Article
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© The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies

I. Introduction

The adjective θοῦρις is attested exclusively as an epithet of feminine nouns, and only occurs in hexameter verse and a few elegiac couplets.Footnote 1 On the other hand, a feminine form of θοῦρος (whether in the shape θούρα/θούρη or θοῦρος) never occurs in Greek. In a way, then, θοῦρις functions as the feminine of θοῦρος. Why do we find only this abnormal feminine form? And how exactly do both stem forms relate to each other: could θοῦρις be an older paradigmatic feminine of θοῦρος, or is it a separate lexical item derived from θοῦρος?

When investigating these questions, it is imperative to first deal with the attestations and semantics of both forms, considering their contexts, the remarks of ancient scholia and lexicographers, as well as etymology (section II). Next, the Homeric evidence will be considered in more detail. I argue that θοῦρις spread from the formula θούριδος ἀλκῆς to its other occurrences, taking the place of the expected feminine, θούρη or θοῦρος (section III). Since verse-final *θούρης ἀλκῆς (or *θούρου ἀλκῆς) was unmetrical due to the metrical law called Meister’s Bridge, and since θοῦρις cannot be explained as an old paradigmatic feminine of θοῦρος (section IV), the question arises whether θούριδος ἀλκῆς could be an artificial creation. In section V, it is argued that θοῦρις is a metrically induced contamination between θοῦρος and its antonym ἄναλκις, and Homeric parallels for an artificial change of inflection are discussed. Finally, the view that θοῦρις is an artificial form presupposes that it cannot be explained as a ‘conventional’ morphological derivation. This claim is bolstered in section VI with an analysis of the functions of the suffixes -ι- and -ιδ- and their Indo-European precursors.

II. Attestations and lexical meanings of θοῦρος and θοῦρις

Already in the Greek lexicographical tradition, it was recognized that θοῦρις and θοῦρος belong together.Footnote 2 Modern lexicographical works, in part following the ancient sources, generally consider θοῦρις and θοῦρος to be synonyms meaning ‘rushing, impetuous, furious’.Footnote 3 These translations are imprecise for several reasons. First, since epithets generally denote extra-temporal qualities of their referents rather than an ongoing action, a translation like ‘rushing’ does not make much sense. Moreover, renderings like ‘impetuous, i.e. that rushes/leaps with violent impetus at enemy’Footnote 4 are not based on how θοῦρος is used, but inspired by the supposed etymological connection with θορϵῖν (‘to leap’) or by glosses given in the scholia. Finally, while the rendering ‘impetuous, furious’ is perhaps not impossible for θοῦρος, it is clearly inadequate for θοῦρις.

Let us consider the attestations of both forms in more detail. In Homer, θοῦρος is an exclusive epithet of the war god Ares (θοῦρον Ἄρηα 9x, verse final or before the trochaic caesura, and θοῦρος Ἄρης 2x). After Homer the adjective continues to be applied mainly to Ares (Tyrtaeus, Simonides, Euripides and also in an Attic epigram);Footnote 5 more exceptionally, it qualifies other warlike persons or beings, but only in the tragedians.Footnote 6 Instructive is the phrase καὶ θοῦρός πϵρ ὤν (Aesch. fr. 199.2 Radt, Prometheus speaking to Heracles). It is reminiscent of the Homeric (καὶ) κρατϵρός πϵρ ἐών (‘however fierce you are’) and shows that the meaning of θοῦρος was similar to that of κρατϵρός (‘fierce, warlike’).Footnote 7 Finally, θοῦρος does not qualify a person, but a weapon in θοῦρον … δόρυ (Eur. Rhes. 492, cf. also δόρυ θοῦρον in Ap. Rhod.).

The second form θοῦρις (gen. -ιδος) exclusively occurs in dactylic poetry and only modifies feminine nouns. It has an acc. sg. θοῦριν and is especially frequent in the verse-final phrase θούριδος ἀλκῆς (‘fierce fighting spirit’, 22x in Homer), which is preceded by various verb forms beginning at one of the third foot caesurae: μνήσασθϵ δὲ θούριδος ἀλκῆς (Il. 16.270, etc.), ἔπαυσϵ δὲ θούριδος ἀλκῆς (Il. 17.81) and several others. A number of these phrases also occur with χάρμης replacing θούριδος ἀλκῆς, for example, μνήσαντο δὲ χάρμης (Il. 4.222, etc.), παῦσϵ δὲ χάρμης (Il. 12.389). This gave epic poets the option of shortening (or extending) the phrase by one dactyl; to use the term coined by Egbert Bakker, χάρμης and θούριδος ἀλκῆς are ‘functional synonyms’ in such pairs of phrases.Footnote 8 This point illustrates that χάρμη and ἀλκή are near synonyms themselves: both express the concept of fighting spirit or martial courage.Footnote 9 In a second and more marginal use, θοῦρις in Homer qualifies the aegis and a shield, bringing to mind the post-Homeric phrase θοῦρον δόρυ just mentioned.Footnote 10 The derivative θούριος, which occurs mainly in the tragedians, likewise qualifies warlike fighters as well as their weapons; it is rightly considered to be a synonym of θοῦρος by the dictionaries.Footnote 11

Now, an important question is: how could an epithet meaning something like ‘impetuous, furious’ be applied to a shield, an inanimate defensive weapon? The dictionaries and commentaries come up with various emergency solutions.Footnote 12 Cunliffe remarks that there has been a ‘transference of epithet from the bearer to the shield’, but it is not immediately obvious what exactly is meant by this, other than that θοῦρος primarily qualified persons.Footnote 13 How could this transfer take place? It seems to me that sturdy weapons are called θοῦρος or θοῦρις because they are tough-looking: as such they confer ἀλκή on their bearer (who gains confidence by carrying them) and diminish that of an adversary (who will be intimidated by their aspect).Footnote 14 In this way we may also understand the use of ἄλκιμος (‘valiant, brave’) as a qualification of spears (ἄλκιμον ἔγχος, ἄλκιμα δοῦρϵ) in Homer.

In order to illustrate this, let us briefly review the three instances where the Homeric feminine acc. sg. θοῦριν qualifies a weapon. The first is ἀσπίδα θοῦριν (Il. 11.32), about Agamemnon picking up his shield in an arming scene, the place par excellence to describe weapons and their special properties. As becomes clear from its description, Agamemnon’s shield is intended to terrorize: ‘it was crowned with a wild-faced Gorgon, which gazed terribly and was flanked by Fear and Rout’ (Il. 11.36–37).

The phrase ἀσπίδα θοῦριν also occurs in a three-line description of Aeneas (Il. 20.161–63) trying to intimidate his opponent Achilles by showing his military prowess:

Αἰνϵίας δὲ πρῶτος ἀπϵιλήσας ἐβϵβήκϵι

νϵυστάζων κόρυθι βριαρῇ· ἀτὰρ ἀσπίδα θοῦριν

πρόσθϵν ἔχϵ στέρνοιο, τίνασσϵ δὲ χάλκϵον ἔγχος.

Aeneas had stepped out first, uttering threats, nodding with his heavy helmet; his fierce shield he held before his breast, and he brandished his bronze spear.

Finally, θοῦρις qualifies the aegis at Il. 15.308 (verse end αἰγίδα θοῦριν), an attribute of which the exact referent was probably no longer understood, but which is described in this passage as being carried ἐς φόβον ἀνδρῶν (‘for the routing of men’).Footnote 15

Thus, in all three passages θοῦριν qualifies a weapon or attribute that is explicitly described as having an intimidating effect. As a qualification of ἀλκή, θοῦρις may also have referred to the intimidating aspect of a warrior displaying his martial prowess. On the other hand, θοῦρος as an epithet of Ares signified not ‘furious’ (describing a state that applies within a specific time frame) but rather ‘fierce, warlike’ (a generic, timeless characteristic). I suspect that this is the older meaning and that the phrase θούριδος ἀλκῆς was interpreted by Homeric singers as describing the intimidating effect a fierce fighting spirit may have on opponents. In this sense, the epithet could then be applied to the shields of Agamemnon and Aeneas.Footnote 16

This is in part also what ancient commentators and lexicographers suggested. On the one hand, the scholia present us with clear folk etymologies, for instance when they gloss θοῦρον with θϵίως ὀρούων or θοῶς ὀρούων (‘who rushes like a god/quickly’) (for example, sch. vet. ad Il. 5.35, Erbse). This is a clear example of the strategy, known from Plato’s Cratylus, of etymologizing a word by providing it with a gloss that contains a permutation of all its constituent letters/sounds. On the other hand, we also find glosses that are concerned more with the sense, and they confirm what has just been said. The D-scholia ad Il. 5.30 render θοῦρον with ἐνθουσιαστικόν (‘raging, furious’) as well as ϵὐκίνητον ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ (‘agile in battle’). Various other sources gloss forms of θοῦρος or θοῦρις with πολϵμικός (‘warlike’) and/or ὁρμητικός,Footnote 17 which in this context is best interpreted as ‘warlike’, too.Footnote 18

Etymology, finally, is of little help in determining the lexical meaning of θοῦρος. A derivation from the root of θρῴσκω (aor. ἔθορον) (‘to jump, leap’) seems to be generally accepted.Footnote 19 This connection was already made by ancient lexicographers, commentators and in the scholia: for example, θούριδος ἀλκῆς· τῆς πολϵμικῆς. ἀπὸ τοῦ θορϵῖν, ὅ ἐστι πηδῆσαι, ἀφ’ οὗ καὶ θοῦρος Ἄρης (Hsch.). However, as we have seen, the translations ‘rushing’ or ‘jumping’ do not match the actual use of θοῦρος. In fact, the etymological relationship with θρῴσκω is by no means certain, as a viable alternative exists: θοῦρος could reflect an agentive nominal *d h ors-ó- (‘who ventures/attacks’), from the root of θρασύς (‘bold, dauntless’; from Proto-Indo-European (PIE)) *d h ers-, with loss of *-s- and compensatory lengthening. The formation would be of the same type as, for example, τομός (‘cutting, sharp’), φονός (‘who slays’). This etymology would account in a straightforward way for the lexical meaning of θοῦρος; it would presuppose that the accent of *d h orsó- was secondarily retracted.Footnote 20

To conclude this lexicographical discussion, θοῦρος (‘fierce, warlike’) is mostly said of warriors, while θοῦρις means ‘fierce’ in the sense of ‘sturdy, tough-looking, intimidating’, qualifying weapons and fighting spirit. If there is a lexical difference between the two forms, it is slight: note that θοῦρος occurs as an epithet of δόρυ after Homer. Thus, lexical semantics gives us no compelling reason to expect a difference in stem formation.

III. The spread of θοῦρις in Homer

As a feminine form of θοῦρος, one expects either a form in -ᾱ (as normally in thematic adjectives) or in -ος (as usually in compounds, but also in some uncompounded thematic adjectives).Footnote 21 In reality, no feminine form of θοῦρος is attested in our extant evidence: it is θοῦρις which exclusively qualifies feminine nouns. Does it follow that θοῦρις is the paradigmatic feminine of θοῦρος? Not necessarily: θοῦρος is an uncommon poetic relic, and it typically qualifies referents of masculine gender. This means that the absence of a feminine form in, for example, Attic drama might in principle be ascribed to chance. Footnote 22 Moreover, occurrences of θοῦρις are limited to hexameter verse and elegiac couplets. Therefore, our question can be made more precise: why is the morphologically expected feminine form of θοῦρος (whether this was θούρη or θοῦρος) never attested in the epic tradition?

The key to the answer lies in the formulaic phrase θούριδος ἀλκῆς, which accounts for 22 of the 28 occurrences of θοῦρις in Homer. In verse-final position, *θούρης ἀλκῆς or *θούρου ἀλκῆς would not be well-formed because it violates Meister’s Bridge, which states that word end was avoided after a spondaic fifth foot. Of all the metrical laws concerning hexameter verse, Meister’s Bridge is observed best by far in Homer (better than Wernicke’s Law and Hermann’s Bridge). The exceptions, only a handful, are listed and discussed by Meister.Footnote 23 A number of them are resolvable by the fact that contraction took place relatively late, notably in the formulaic phrase ἠῶ δῖαν for earlier *ἠόα δῖαν.Footnote 24 Only three Homeric verse ends are irreducible counterexamples to Meister’s Bridge: κνῆ τυρόν (Il. 11.639), κρῖ λϵυκόν (Od. 4.604) and λὶς πέτρη (Od. 12.64).Footnote 25 This means that the rule was very strict in earlier stages of the tradition.

I propose that the form θοῦρις first came into being as part of the phrase θούριδος ἀλκῆς, and that the other six Homeric instances, all in the accusative θοῦριν, were created as replacements of the older form (whether θοῦρον or θούρην) under the influence of this frequent formula. First, a few remarks on the acc. θοῦριν. Three of these six cases are found in the verse end θοῦριν ἐπιϵιμένοι ἀλκήν (‘clad in fierce fighting spirit’), said of the Aiantes. On two of these occasions the Aiantes are mentioned as part of a list of nine Achaean champions who volunteer to fight: τοῖσι δ’ ἐπ’ Αἴαντϵς θοῦριν ἐπιϵιμένοι ἀλκήν (Il. 7.164 and 8.262).Footnote 26 This line may well be a very old one:Footnote 27 the canon of Achaean champions (ἀριστῆϵς) is probably traditional in some form, and in both passages the well-known line mentioning Meriones, with its irregular scansion of Ἐνυαλίῳ ἀνδρϵιφόντῃ, follows two lines later.Footnote 28

The formula θοῦριν ἐπιϵιμένοι ἀλκήν is remarkable for the brevis in longo in the final syllable of θοῦριν. This metrical irregularity is unexpected for two reasons. First, *θούρην ἐπιϵιμένοι ἀλκήν would be metrically regular and semantically unproblematic. Secondly, an alternative and metrically equivalent way of versifying a similar idea was available, as illustrated by the verse ἄνδρ’ ἐπϵλϵύσϵσθαι μϵγάλην ἐπιϵιμένον ἀλκήν (Od. 9.214, cf. also 514).Footnote 29 Being metrically regular, this seems a more recent modification of the (traditional) verse mentioning the Aiantes.

It has been claimed that θοῦριν ἐπιϵιμένοι ἀλκήν is a case of metrical lengthening,Footnote 30 but this does not take into consideration that this verse end may be a modification of an older, metrically regular prototype.Footnote 31 As is well known, metrical lengthening is virtually restricted to words of specific prosodic shapes, mainly tribrachic (for example, οὔνομα) and antispastic words (for example, Ἀπόλλωνα), and it could be applied secondarily in cretic sequences, too.Footnote 32 However, in words with a trochaic shape like θοῦριν, there was no motivation for metrical lengthening. One may therefore suspect that the prototype of this formula had the shape *θούρην ἐπιϵιμένον ἀλκήν. This may have been changed at some point into θοῦριν ἐπιϵιμένον ἀλκήν, in spite of the metrical irregularity that was introduced, because θοῦρις had come to be viewed as the standard epithet of ἀλκή due to the frequency of the phrase θούριδος ἀλκῆς.

Next, the same substitution could take place also in the verse-final phrases ἀσπίδα θοῦριν and αἰγίδα θοῦριν (which account for the remaining three occurrences), especially since this had no metrical repercussions. This second substitution was perhaps made easier by the fact that θοῦρος was otherwise used exclusively as an epithet of Ares with the meaning ‘fierce, warlike’, which made it less suited to defensive weapons (cf. section II). Since ἀλκή was conceptually close to a defensive weapon (it is something which protects, and in which one dresses), it was logical to generalize the stem form known from the formulaic phrases θούριδος ἀλκῆς and θοῦριν ἐπιϵιμένον ἀλκήν.

In these last paragraphs I have assumed that the original feminine form was θούρη, but as I remarked earlier, it cannot be excluded that θοῦρος once had this function, too. In fact, in that case it would be even easier to explain why, for example, ἀσπίδα θοῦρον was replaced by ἀσπίδα θοῦριν: the latter would have been more clearly marked as a feminine. On the other hand, if θοῦρος was the original feminine form, the metrical irregularity in θοῦριν ἐπιϵιμένοι ἀλκήν remains unaccounted for.

Thus, all Homeric occurrences of the accusative θοῦριν can be viewed as secondary replacements of either θούρην or θοῦρον under the influence of the frequent phrase θούριδος ἀλκῆς. We have seen that θούριδος was preferred in that phrase over θούρης or θούρου because these alternatives would have caused a violation of Meister’s Bridge. As I will argue in section V, poets probably also created the form θούριδος for this very reason. However, let us first see whether θοῦρις as a feminine of θοῦρος can be explained by normal morphological processes.

IV. θοῦρις is not a flexional feminine in origin

There are two conventional linguistic means to account for a feminine adjectival form θοῦρις, having approximately the same meaning as θοῦρος. It could be an old paradigmatic feminine of θοῦρος, or originally a separate adjective derived from θοῦρος. Most handbooks remain vague or agnostic about these possibilities.Footnote 33 Is one of these scenarios likely?

The first option, an old paradigmatic feminine, was defended by Wackernagel.Footnote 34 This may seem reasonable in view of the distribution between θοῦρος and θοῦρις, but there is one very serious objection. There are two regular ways in Greek to mark feminine agreement with adjectives (both directly reflecting a procedure inherited from Indo-European):

  • with third declension stems: add the suffix *-i̯a, *-i̯ā-, for example, βαρύς, f. βαρϵῖα < *-eu̯-i̯a; φοῖνιξ, f. φοίνισσα < *-īk-i̯a;

  • with stems in -ος: substitute *-ā- (PIE *-eh 2 -) for the thematic vowel, for example, νέος, f. νέᾱ.

By contrast, the suffixes -ι- and -ιδ- are not normally used to mark the feminine of adjectives, but Wackernagel apparently thought that -ίδ- had this function in the prehistory of Greek. In support of this claim he cites the following Homeric words in -ίς:

  • κορωνός adj. ‘curved’ (Hippoc.); ‘having a curved horn’ (Archil.) → κορωνίς f. (17x dat. pl. κορωνίσιν, formulaic epithet of νηυσί ‘ships’);

  • ἥμϵρος adj. ‘tame, cultivated’ → ἡμϵρίς f. ‘cultivated vine’;

  • νύκτϵρος adj. ‘of the night, nightly’ (Aesch.+) → νυκτϵρίς f., properly ‘(animal) of the night’, hence ‘bat’;

  • κραταιός adj. ‘strong, powerful’ → κραταιίς f. ‘powerful force’ (Wackernagel speaks of a ‘substantiviertes Femininum’).Footnote 35

Before continuing, we must briefly address the accentuation and inflection of stems in -ις. If correctly adduced, the above parallels (which have the oxytone suffix -ίς, -ίδος irrespective of the accent of the base form) would lead one to expect a form *θουρίς, but instead we find θοῦρις, with barytone accentuation and an accusative θοῦριν. Wackernagel accounted for this as a case of ‘Aeolic barytonesis’: traditional epic words with an unexpectedly retracted accent that stem from an Aeolic dialect with recessive accentuation. In this context, he mentioned other forms such as ἵππουρις and ἄκοιτις; he saw the acc. sg. in -ιν of these words as typical for Aeolic.Footnote 36 However, the evidence for Aeolic barytonesis in Homer is not abundant, and both the barytone accentuation of these compounds and their acc. in -ιν may be seen as archaisms.Footnote 37 On the other hand, the accentuation of θοῦρις may have been influenced by that of θοῦρος, and it sometimes happens in Homer that an acc. sg. in -ιν is secondary for -ιδα.Footnote 38 This means that θοῦρις can, but need not, be compared to forms in -ίς, -ίδος (that is, the accentuation and inflection of θοῦρις do not directly inform us about the type of derivation).

Returning to the above examples: do they justify Wackernagel’s suggestion that -ίδ- could originally mark the feminine of adjectives in -ος? Upon closer consideration, none of the cases is convincing.Footnote 39 There is no reason to think that the nouns ἡμϵρίς, νυκτϵρίς and κραταιίς were once part of the paradigms of the adjectives ἥμϵρος, νύκτϵρος and κραταιός. Moreover, κραταιός has its own feminine, attested in the old formula μοῖρα κραταιή. If anything, ἡμϵρίς, νυκτϵρίς and κραταιίς are substantivizations derived from their respective adjectival base forms.Footnote 40 By comparison, the most promising parallel for θοῦρις as a feminine of θοῦρος is the epithet κορωνίς, but the derivational analysis of this form remains uncertain, as we will see in section VI.

Thus, adjectives in -ος never had a paradigmatic feminine in -ίς. An alternative account would be that θοῦρις was originally an independent derivative that was secondarily incorporated into the paradigm of θοῦρος as its feminine form. As we will see in section VI, such an account cannot be easily applied to the pair of forms θοῦρος with θοῦρις either. Before going into the technical issues, I will first show how θοῦρις may have originated as an artificial substitute for the feminine of θοῦρος.

V. Θούριδος ἀλκῆς as a case of artificial contamination

As we have seen, the formula θούριδος ἀλκῆς stands in for metrically awkward *θούρης ἀλκῆς or *θούρου ἀλκῆς. I submit that the ending -ιδος in this formula arose under the influence of ἄναλκις -ιδος ‘cowardly; coward’ (20x Hom.), an antonym of θοῦρος. Later on, the new feminine θοῦρις, -ιδος completely ousted the original form according to the scenario proposed in section III.

Before discussing how ἄναλκις -ιδος influenced the creation of θούριδος ἀλκῆς, let us first consider some well-known Homeric parallels for a change of declension or conjugation type,Footnote 41 so as to better understand the nature of artificial word formation in Homer.

Beside the formulaic phrase τϵτιηότι θυμῷ (‘with a vexed spirit’, instrumental dative), we find another formulaic phrase τϵτιημένος ἦτορ (‘vexed at heart’, where ἦτορ is an internal accusative). The reason for changing the active participle into a middle one is that *τϵτιηὼς ἦτορ would have violated Meister’s Bridge.Footnote 42 Replacement with a middle form was made easier by the significant semantic overlap between both voices in the perfect stem, and also by the fact that verses ending in -μένος ἦτορ were more widespread (for example, βϵβολημένος ἦτορ, κϵχολωμένος ἦτορ).

The middle voice could be used artificially also in the present or aorist stem in cases where using the active voice would have violated Meister’s Bridge or Wernicke’s Law. A clear example is furnished by the phrases καὶ ἐξϵρϵϵίνϵτο μυθῷ (Il. 10.81) and ἀφὰρ δ’ ἐρϵϵίνϵτο μυθῷ (Od. 17.305), both in speech introductions, replacing *ἐρέϵινϵν μυθῷ.Footnote 43 The sequence -ϵτο μύθῳ occurring in other verse ends may have served as a model: cf. καὶ ἐπϵίθϵτο μύθῳ (Il. 1.33, 24.571) and especially καὶ ἀμϵίβϵτο μύθῳ (Il. 24.200 and passim), again in a speech introduction.

The name Ἀντιφάτης occurs five times in Homer, with an accusative Ἀντιφάτην (twice) and a verse-final genitive Ἀντιφάταο (Od. 10.106). The accusative also appears in the form Ἀντιφατῆα (Od. 10.114), belonging to a would-be nominative Ἀντιφατϵύς but referring to the same Ἀντιφάτης as Ἀντιφάταο eight lines before. We must assume that the poet used the accusative of a name in -ϵύς for metrical reasons. From a morphological viewpoint this was certainly not trivial, because nouns in -ϵύς are normally not compounds, as noted by Meister.Footnote 44 Similar instances are found in the inflection of compounds in -ος. For instance, the genitive of ἡνίοχος appears in the form ἡνιόχοιο, used five times at verse end. The wish to use other case forms in the same metrical position then led poets to create the artificial forms ἡνιοχῆα and ἡνιοχῆϵς.Footnote 45

Perhaps the most famous cases of artificial nominal inflection in the fifth foot are the verse-final phrases ϵὐρέα πόντον and ϵὐρέα κόλπον. They are artificial because the only current form of the masculine acc. sg. ending of adjectives in -ύς in any form of Greek is -ύν, not -έα. The motive for avoiding the grammatically regular phrases ϵὐρὺν πόντον and ϵὐρὺν κόλπον is that these would have violated Meister’s Bridge.Footnote 46 Witte proposed that ϵὐρέα πόντον (2x Il., 1x Od.) arose by inflection of the dative ϵὐρέϊ πόντῷ (7x Od.), that is, by analogical levelling of the paradigm, and in this he is all but universally followed.Footnote 47 However, he does not explain how poets were able to create an ungrammatical acc. sg. ϵὐρέα. In my view, it is more attractive to suppose that the ending of ϵὐρύν was artificially changed into that of an adjective in -ής, a type which shares many case forms with stems in -ύς. This is made likely by the existence of other verse ends in -έα πόντον, notably ἐπ’ ἠϵροϵιδέα πόντον.Footnote 48

What actually happened in linguistic terms in these examples is usually left unstated.Footnote 49 In my view, all of the artificial epic forms discussed above are best viewed as contaminations or blends with other forms and formulas that came to the poets’ minds as they composed.Footnote 50 As is stressed by treatments of contamination in handbooks about historical linguistics,Footnote 51 contamination usually occurs in words that regularly co-occur, for example, in antonymic pairs (cf. English male and female for older male and femelle) or in sequences of numerals (for example, in the Greek dialect of Heraclea, where ὀκτώ, ἐννέα become hοκτώ, hϵννέα under the influence of ἕξ, ἑπτά). In epic verse composition, contaminations are likely to have been promoted by the fact that specific words regularly occurred in certain metrical positions. The examples just discussed clearly illustrate this point. Thus, in the case of verse-final ἡνιοχῆα, -ῆϵς, -ῆας, some poet may have created these forms when he was reminded of the simplex noun ὀχϵύς (13x Hom.), which occurs in the case forms ὀχῆα, ὀχῆϵς, ὀχῆας (12x in total), and always in verse-final position. A similar example is πατροφονῆα (3x Od., each time referring to Aegisthus): we may suspect that the poet of the Odyssey (or a precursor) coined it by crossing the simplex φονϵύς (‘slayer’, Hom.+, attested at verse end in gen. sg. φονῆος, acc. pl. φονῆας) with the expected but rare compound πατροφόνος (‘slaying a father’), or with the more usual πατροκτόνος (‘parricide’).

In epic Greek, conditions were favourable for a contamination between θοῦρος and ἄναλκις.Footnote 52 The demands of verse composition provided a clear motivation for reshaping existing word forms. When confronted with the undesirable metrical shape of verse-final *θούρης ἀλκῆς or *θούρου ἀλκῆς, epic poets may have been led to think of phrases containing the antonym ἄναλκις.Footnote 53 This connection was favoured in particular by the fact that ἄναλκις is linked to ἀλκή etymologically. In addition, Homer uses the phrases ἀνάλκιδα θυμόν (‘cowardly spirit’, Il. 16.355 and 656) and ἀνάλκιδα φύζαν (‘weak-spirited panic’, Il. 15.62), which refer to the opposite of θούριδος ἀλκῆς (‘fierce fighting spirit’). These are similar not only in terms of semantics, but also word order and word shape: in all cases the head noun follows the modifier, and it is disyllabic.Footnote 54 Finally, as one reviewer of this paper remarked, the fact that θ…ιδ- ἀλκ- (in θούριδος ἀλκῆς) is a phonic permutation of -άλκ-ιδ- θ… (in the phrase ἀνάλκιδα θυμόν) may have played a role.

The proposed source of the contamination, ἄναλκις -ιδος, is an adjective in -ι(δ)- with identical masculine and feminine forms. Such adjectives were on the verge of extinction (cf. section VI.ii), and the suffix -ιδ- in the contaminated phrase θούριδος ἀλκῆς could easily be reinterpreted as a feminine marker: nouns with this suffix were feminine almost without exception, and there were a few other adjectives in -ος with a derived feminine in -ίδ- (cf. sections III and VI.i). Consequently, other forms of the original feminine of θοῦρος could also be replaced by forms of θοῦρις along the lines set out in section II.

Two further epic words in -ίς must be discussed as parallels for an artificial contamination: the nouns παλλακίς (‘concubine’) and ἀγκαλίς (‘bent arms, embrace’). As noted by Meier,Footnote 55 the use of both forms in Homer must be metrically conditioned: compared to the Classical Ionic-Attic forms παλλακή and ἀγκάλη, they appear to have undergone an artificial change of declension type:Footnote 56

  • Since the only practicable case forms in a hexameter were παλλακή, παλλακῇ and παλλακαί (before vowels), whereas παλλακίς could be used in all case forms, it is likely that the latter is an artificial substitute for παλλακή.Footnote 57 In my view, it is conceivable that παλλακή was blended with concubine names in -ίς such as Χρυσηΐς, Βρισηΐς, perhaps aided by ἄκοιτις (‘spouse’) (though that has a different accentuation).

  • In Homer, ἀγκαλίς occurs only in the phrase ἐν ἀγκαλίδϵσσι (Il. 18.556, 22.503), which clearly stands in for ἐν ἀγκάλαις (unmetrical in a hexameter, but common in Classical Attic). Outside of hexametrical Greek, ἀγκαλίς does occur, but with a different meaning, ‘armful’, that is, ‘that which is carried in bent arms’ (for example, Ar. fr. 418). In fact, in Il. 18.556 both meanings are conceivable, and this ambiguity may have licensed the use of ἐν ἀγκαλίδϵσσι as a substitute for ἐν ἀγκάλαις (‘in the arms’) at Il. 22.503.

The examples discussed in this section illustrate that the idea of an inflectional contamination of θοῦρος with ἄναλκις within epic Greek is an attractive option, for which various parallels can be adduced.

VI. Accounting for the pair of forms θοῦρις with θοῦρος by means of derivation

In this final section, I argue that θοῦρις cannot have been derived from θοῦρος in a regular way, neither by derivational mechanisms that were operative within Greek, nor as an archaism inherited from the Indo-European parent language.

i. θοῦρις derived from θοῦρος within Greek

Most handbooks assume a derivational relation between θοῦρις and θοῦρος but are vague about the precise details. An exception is the overview of Greek derivational morphology by Balles,Footnote 58 who categorizes θοῦρος → θοῦρις as an adjectival feminine ‘Motionsbildung’ (i.e. θοῦρις would have been introduced to distinguish the natural sex of the referent). This is not plausible, as θοῦρις does not qualify natural female beings.

In order to appreciate the problem more clearly, let us briefly look at the different types of feminine forms with the suffix -ίδ-.Footnote 59 The main issue is that most words in -ίδ- are nouns, whereas θοῦρις is an adjective. There are, however, instances where -ίδ- does make adjectives. Consider the following types of derivation:Footnote 60

  1. 1. feminine patronymics: ὁ Ἄτλας → ἡ Ἀτλαντίς (‘daughter of Atlas’);

  2. 2. feminines of ethnic names: ὁ Δάρδανος → ἡ Δαρδανίς (‘Dardanian woman’);

  3. 3. feminine nouns identifying the referent by a toponym: οἱ Δϵλφοί → ἡ Δϵλφίς (‘woman from Delphi, the territory of Delphi, a coin from Delphi’);

  4. 4. feminine adjectives denoting appurtenance: ὁ βασιλϵύς → f. adj. βασιληΐς (‘kingly, royal’) (Hom.+); ὁ στρατιώτης → f. adj. στρατιῶτις (‘of a soldier’) (Classical);Footnote 61

  5. 5. feminine nouns derived from masculine nouns in -της: ὁ πολίτης → ἡ πολῖτις (‘female citizen’);Footnote 62

  6. 6. feminine nouns for objects characterized by the base word: τὸ ἄργυρον → ἡ ἀργυρίς (‘silver cup’);

  7. 7. diminutives: ἡ ἅμαξα → ἡ ἁμαξίς (‘little cart’).

It is debatable how all these different derivational types are interrelated. Some of them (types 5 and 7) are clearly secondary. The function of deriving lexicalized nouns for concrete objects (type 6) is well-established, but irrelevant for θοῦρις and perhaps unrelated to types 1 to 4.Footnote 63

More relevant for present purposes are the adjectives of appurtenance (type 4). It is likely that types 1, 2 and 3 were originally adjectives of appurtenance as well.Footnote 64 An illustrative example is Αἰολίς (‘Aeolian’), which functions as a patronymic denoting a daughter of Aeolus, as a feminine adjective of appurtenance (used of cities, dialect and the musical mode), and as a noun denoting the region Aeolid. It is possible that the feminine of ethnic names (type 2) developed from the patronymic use: Δαρδανίς may have originally referred to a female descendant of the eponymous ancestor Δάρδανος.

It appears, however, that θοῦρις cannot be analysed as an original adjective of appurtenance. First of all, the supposed base form θοῦρος is not a noun (as in all the above cases) but an adjective.Footnote 65 In response to this, one might hypothetically assume that θοῦρις was derived from a now-lost noun, for example, *θουρά or *θοῦρος (‘battle rage’). However, a second problem is that adjectives of appurtenance in -ίς are derived from nouns belonging to specific semantic categories: personal names, place names and words denoting concrete persons or objects.Footnote 66 This also holds for the following two feminine adjectives in -ίς, attested in Classical historiography, which offer a further illustration of the problem:

  • συμμαχίς (‘allied, ally’) (Thuc., Hdt.) beside σύμμαχος -ον (‘allied, ally’)

  • πϵριοικίς (‘neighbouring, neighbour’) (Thuc., Hdt., Xen.) beside πϵρίοικος (‘neighbouring, neighbour’)

These cases have in common with the pair of forms θοῦρις with θοῦρος that the special feminine form is derived from an adjective in -ος. That is where the similarity ends, however. Deriving the forms συμμαχίς and πϵριοικίς was possible because σύμμαχος and πϵρίοικος usually refer to persons and may be used as substantives. Indeed, συμμαχίς and πϵριοικίς are often used in apposition to nouns with concrete referents (πόλις, ναῦς and πόλις, νῆσος, χώρα, respectively), and this is precisely why ἡ συμμαχίς may occurs in substantivized form, denoting an allied military force.Footnote 67 The semantics of θοῦρις ἀλκή is quite different: it does not have a concrete referent but denotes an abstract entity. Therefore, a hypothetical substantivization ἡ θοῦρις would hardly be meaningful, as it would not distinguish a concrete individual specimen of fighting spirit.

We may conclude that θοῦρις cannot be derived from θοῦρος as a feminine adjective.

ii. The pair of forms θοῦρις with θοῦρος as an Indo-European inheritance

Another function of -ίδ- was to transform an adjective in -ος into a feminine noun, as in νύκτϵρος (‘nightly’) → νυκτϵρίς (‘bat’) (cf. section III). This pattern of derivation differs from that discussed in section VI.i in that it operates on adjectives. In a recent proposal, Nussbaum has argued that θοῦρος → θοῦρις is an instance of this substantivizing derivation.Footnote 68

In this function, -ίδ- was probably an extended form of the suffix -ι- inherited from Proto-Indo-European. The exact origin and function of these adjectival stems in -i- is a subject of debate,Footnote 69 but a widely followed scenario was formulated by Schindler and further elaborated by Nussbaum. These scholars have argued that the suffix *-i-, when replacing *-o- in adjectives, made adjectival abstracts.Footnote 70 More recently, Nussbaum has argued that *-i- could also form substantivizations of adjectives in Proto-Indo-European.Footnote 71 The evidence includes derivations like the following:

  • adjective in * -o- → substantivization in -i-

  • Lat. adj. rauus (‘hoarse’) → rauis (‘hoarseness, angina’)

  • Gr. adj. ἄκρος (‘high, top’) → ἄκρις (‘summit’)Footnote 72

  • Vedic Sanskrit adj. jīrá- (‘agile, lively’) → jīrí- (‘flowing water’)

  • Avestan adj. tiγra- (‘sharp, pointed’) → tiγri- (‘arrow’)

If this scenario is correct, how should we account for the existence of adjectives in -i- in Greek and other Indo-European languages, especially in Latin where adjectives in -is are widespread (cf. fortis, grauis, etc.)?Footnote 73 Nussbaum views these adjectives in -i- as ‘re-adjectivizations’ of substantivized nouns.Footnote 74 Applying this scenario to θοῦρις, he analyses this as a substantivized form in origin, meaning ‘(the) fierce one’. At some point, θοῦρις would have been pushed back into the function of a regular adjective, and then reinterpreted as the feminine of θοῦρος. Nussbaum compares θοῦρις with the Homeric epithet of ships, κορωνίς, and speaks of both forms as ‘inconsistent and abortive creations of specifically feminine adjectival forms’.Footnote 75

Does this scenario account for the actual use of these feminines in -ις? As for κορωνίς, this epithet may mean something like ‘curved’ or ‘having a curved bow’,Footnote 76 but its derivation from κορωνός remains uncertain. After Homer the form is used not as an adjective, but as a noun denoting concrete objects that are characterized by a curved shape or curved parts.Footnote 77 We must also take into account that the related noun κορώνη (a substantivization of κορωνός) may denote the curved bow of a ship.Footnote 78 Therefore, it is conceivable that κορωνίς, in the Homeric phrase νηυσὶ κορωνίσιν, denotes a type of ship characterized by its κορώνη.Footnote 79 If κορωνίς was derived not from κορωνός but from κορώνη, it is similar to other de-substantival ship names in -ίς attested in the Classical period;Footnote 80 and comparable to the Homeric φόρτος (‘cargo’) → φορτίς (‘freighter’).

There are also a handful of other Greek adjectives in -ις which Nussbaum does not comment on, but which may well be analysed as i-stem substantivizations of o-stem adjectives.Footnote 81 The most important instances attested before the Classical period are:Footnote 82

  1. 1. ἴδρις, usually translated as ‘skilled, skilful, experienced’ (Hom.+). In Homer and Hesiod, the syntactic behaviour of ἴδρις is consistent with that of a noun or substantivized adjective meaning ‘expert, skilled person’.Footnote 83 In the following lines (Od. 6.232–34 = 23.159–61), ἴδρις is used in apposition to ἀνήρ, as a runover word in enjambment:

    ἀνὴρ

    ἴδρις, ὃν Ἥφαιστος δέδαϵν καὶ Παλλὰς Ἀθήνη

    τέχνην παντοίην.

    a man, an expert, whom Hephaestus and Pallas Athena have taught a versatile craft.

    The only other Homeric occurrence is Φαίηκϵς … ἴδριϵς … νῆα θοὴν ἐνὶ πόντῳ ἐλαυνέμϵν (‘the Phaeacians … experts in steering a swift ship on sea’, Od. 7.108–09). Meusel has already shown that the adjectival use of ἴδρις may be a late development, starting from its use in apposition to ἀνήρ or γυνή. Moreover, he argues that Pindar may preserve a trace of an older abstract noun ἴδρις (‘expertise’).Footnote 84

  2. 2. ϵὖνις (‘bereft, severed’) (Hom.+). As I argue elsewhere,Footnote 85 ϵὖνις is originally a substantivization meaning ‘bereft person’, as in both its Homeric attestations it is used predicatively as the object of a so-called light verb meaning ‘to make, render’: ὅς μ’ υἱῶν πολλῶν τϵ καὶ ἐσθλῶν ϵὖνιν ἔθηκϵ (Il. 22.44) and ψυχῆς τϵ καὶ αἰῶνός … ϵὖνιν ποιήσας (Od. 9.523–24).

  3. 3. ψϵῦδις (‘lying, deceitful’) (hapax, Pind. Nem. 7.50). In its sole attestation, ψϵῦδις is used predicatively and might in fact be analysed as a noun: οὐ ψϵῦδις ὁ μάρτυς ἔργμασιν ἐπιστατϵῖ (‘it is no lying witness that presides over achievements of the offspring of you and Zeus, Aegina’, tr. Race (Reference Race1997)).

  4. 4. τρόφις (‘full-grown’) vel sim. (Il. 11.307; Hdt. 4.9.4), a complicated case.Footnote 86 In its sole Homeric attestation, which is of disputed interpretation, it might perhaps be a neuter noun: πολλὸν δὲ τρόφι κῦμα κυλίνδϵται (Il. 11.307).Footnote 87 The predicative use in ἐπϵὰν γένωνται τρόφιϵς (Hdt. 4.9.4) is compatible with an old noun meaning something like ‘grown-up, adult’.

In cases like ἴδρις and ϵὖνις we might indeed speak of the ‘abortive creation’ (to borrow Nussbaum’s term) of an adjective from its substantivized form.Footnote 88 We must now ask whether θοῦρις can be analysed in the same way. The answer is negative, for two reasons. First of all, whereas the other four simple adjectives in -ις discussed above are used predicatively or in apposition in their oldest attestations, θοῦρις is used attributively in all its Homeric attestations. Secondly, the other forms in -ις have concrete referents (in most cases, persons) of which they describe an acquired and distinctive characteristic, while the epithet θοῦρις modifies an abstract noun (ἀλκή, ‘fighting spirit’) of which it describes an inherent, generic aspect. Thus, the assumption that θοῦρις is an old substantivization appears to be gratuitous.

Let us finally discuss the origin of ἄναλκις. The synchronically expected derivation from ἀλκή would be *ἄναλκος. It is widely assumed that the suffixation of ἄναλκις is due to a prehistoric rule stating that *-o- had to be replaced by *-i- in possessive compounds. This compound substitution is indeed widespread in Latin (e.g. armainermis, linguatrilinguis, etc.) and in certain Celtic languages, but traces of the same rule in Indo-Iranian and Greek are meagre at best.Footnote 89 In fact, ἄναλκις is the only Greek example usually mentioned in this connection. Moreover, in Latin, simplex i-stem adjectives were also widespread (for example, fortis, grauis, etc.). In my view, it is more attractive to account for ἄναλκις and a few other Greek compounds by the same token as simple adjectives in -ις: they are originally substantivizations of adjectives in -ος. In other words, ἄναλκις was originally a noun meaning ‘one without ἀλκή, coward’. It would have competed with an adjective *ἄναλκος ‘without fighting spirit’ that was used attributively. When the distinction between -ος and -ις became obsolete, most forms in -ις lost currency, but ἄναλκις (‘coward’) was preserved, presumably because it was much more frequent than its attributive counterpart *ἄναλκος.Footnote 90 Indeed, in Homer ἄναλκις is often used predicatively as an invective (Il. 9.34–35):Footnote 91

ἀλκὴν μέν μοι πρῶτον ὀνϵίδισας ἐν Δαναοῖσι

φὰς ἔμϵν ἀπτόλϵμον καὶ ἀνάλκιδα.

[F]or first of all you have taunted my fighting spirit among the Achaeans, saying that I am unwarlike and a coward.

On the other hand, in three Homeric instances ἄναλκις does function as an attributive adjective meaning ‘cowardly’: ἀνάλκιδα θυμόν (Il. 16.355 and 656) and ἀνάλκιδα φύζαν (Il. 15.62). Thus, ἄναλκις covers functions that (we may suppose) were once fulfilled by *ἄναλκος.Footnote 92

Two other old compounds in -ις can be analysed along the same lines. First, ἄκοιτις ‘spouse’ looks like the substantivization of an older adjective *ἄκοιτος < *sm̥-koito- (‘who shares the same bed’), derived from κοῖτος (‘sleep, bed’) or κοίτη (‘bed’).Footnote 93 Secondly, Homeric ἵππουρις is normally considered an adjective meaning ‘with a horse-tail crest’ (cf. οὐρά, ‘tail’), qualifying words for ‘helmet’. However, in six of its seven Homeric occurrences, ἵππουρις is a runover word starting the line, and clearly placed in apposition. As with κορωνίς, we may suspect that it was not merely an epithet but denoted a type of helmet, the ἵππουρις. Thus, ἵππουρις would be the substantivization of an adjective *ἵππουρος (‘having a horse tail’).

In sum, the other adjectival stems in -ις are mostly used predicatively or placed in apposition, and can therefore be analysed as old substantivizations.Footnote 94 The form κορωνίς is used attributively in the phrase νηυσὶ κορωνίσιν, but it modifies a noun with a concrete referent. By contrast, the syntactic use and lexical meaning of θοῦρις are very different: there is no indication that it originated as a predicative or substantival form, and it primarily modifies an abstract noun, ἀλκή. Indeed, the only other adjective in -ις that modifies abstract nouns is ἄναλκις (θυμός, φύζα) – another point in favour of the contamination proposed in section V.

VII. Conclusions

The Homeric adjective θοῦρις -ιδος is best rendered as ‘fierce’ (of fighting spirit) and ‘tough, intimidating’ (of weapons). It functions as the feminine of θοῦρος, which also means ‘fierce’ and is an epithet of Ares. Since -ις was not originally a morphological marker of the feminine of adjectives, the pairing of θοῦρις with θοῦρος must be accounted for.

A derivational suffix -ις does occur in various different functions: a few other Greek adjectives in -ος have a special feminine form in -ίς, and there are parallels from other Indo-European languages for a suffix replacement -o- → -i- making substantivized adjectives. However, these cases are all quite different from the case of θοῦρος with θοῦρις. First, other adjectives in -ις are mostly used predicatively or in apposition, while θοῦρις is only used attributively. Secondly, other instances of -ίς beside -ος have concrete referents, whereas θοῦρις qualifies the abstract noun ἀλκή.

I have therefore proposed a scenario in which θοῦρις was created as an artificial form, through contamination of θοῦρος with the antonym ἄναλκις -ιδος (‘cowardly’), whose i-stem inflection is an archaism. This contamination first occurred in the traditional verse-final formula θούριδος ἀλκῆς, in avoidance of unmetrical *θούρης ἀλκῆς or *θούρου ἀλκῆς (Meister’s Bridge). Subsequently, the accusative θοῦριν supplanted the original form (*θούρην or *θοῦρον) in other phrases. If the original form was *θούρην, this may explain the occurrence of brevis in longo in the traditional phrase θοῦριν ἐπιϵιμένοι ἀλκήν.

This study has shown how attention to morphological detail may shed light on issues of lexical semantics, on the syntactic behaviour of adjectives and on the mechanisms governing the creation of formulaic phrases in the epic tradition. It has been argued in passing that many well-known artificial forms in Homer are best analysed as contaminations. If the scenario proposed here for θούριδος ἀλκῆς is correct, it also offers further support for the antiquity of Meister’s Bridge, and for the creation of artificial word forms at the early stage of the epic tradition when the phrases containing θούριδος ἀλκῆς were coined.

Acknowledgements

With the usual disclaimers, I thank Jesse Lundquist and the two anonymous reviewers of JHS for their helpful feedback on an earlier draft. I would also like to thank Douglas Cairns and Lin Foxhall for their help during the editorial process.

Funding statement

The writing of this article was made possible by a VENI grant (NWO, Dutch Organization for Scientific Research) for the project Unraveling Homer’s Language.

Footnotes

1 The only occurrence in a pentameter is θοῦριν Ἀθηναίης ἀσπίδα μϵλψαμέναν (Corinna fr. 14, Anthologia Graeca 9.26.6).

2 Etym. Magn. 475 Kallierges τὸ θοῦρις ἀπὸ τοῦ θοῦρος γίνϵται, ‘θοῦρις comes from θοῦρος’.

3 LSJ s.v. θοῦρος. Cf. Cunliffe (Reference Cunliffe1924) s.v. θοῦρος: ‘rushing, impetuous, eager for the fray’.

4 O’Sullivan (Reference O’Sullivan, Snell and Mette1991) s.v. θοῦρος.

5 στϵθι ∶ και οικτιρον ∶ Κροισο // παρα σϵμα θανοντος ∶/hον // ποτ ϵνι προμαχοις ∶ ολϵσϵ // θορος ∶ Aρϵς (IG I3 1240, 540–530 BC). This epigram proves that <ου> in epic θοῦρος is a spurious diphthong.

6 It qualifies a Persian warrior in τὸν αἰχμήϵντα θοῦρον ϵὐνατῆρ’ ἀποπϵμψαμένα (‘having sent on his way her valiant and fierce bedfellow’, Aesch. Pers. 136–37); cf. Τυφῶνα θοῦρον (‘fierce Typhon’, Aesch. PV 354).

7 Cf. verse-initial Ἄρηϊ κρατϵρῷ (‘fierce Ares’, Il. 2.515). Both κρατϵρός and the formulaic phrase θοῦρον Ἄρηα appear in connection with the verb μαίνομαι, denoting a battle rage: cf. Il. 5.830–31, 6.97–101, 15.127–29. Interestingly, θοῦρον Ἄρηα refers exclusively to the personified deity, whereas ὀξὺν Ἄρηα usually means ‘severe battle’.

8 Cf. Bakker (Reference Bakker2005) 22–37 on the use of different formulas containing the dative of ‘spear’.

9 There is a debate, stemming from antiquity, about whether χάρμη means ‘battle’ or ‘battle lust, fighting spirit’; see, for example, Latacz (Reference Latacz1966). That the original meaning was ‘battle rage’ not only becomes clear from the Homeric contexts, but now also receives support from the side of etymology: Janda (Reference Janda2014) has attractively proposed to connect χάρμη with the root of English grim and German Grimm, which derive from an inherited Indo-European root *g h rem- denoting battle rage or fury. This renders obsolete the etymological connection with the root of χαίρω, Proto-Indo-European *ǵ h er- (‘desire, want’), still defended by Latacz (Reference Latacz1966). As for ἀλκή, its basic meaning is ‘fighting spirit’, but since ἀλκή is often at stake when someone is under attack, it also developed the lexical meaning ‘resistance’ (i.e. a display of fighting spirit). Cf. οὐδέ τις ἀλκὴ | γίγνϵθ’ (Il. 21.528–29), said of the Trojans fleeing en masse at the sight of Achilles.

10 Cf. also the vocative θοῦρι κράνϵια (Anth. Pal. 6.122.1), where the word for cornel cherry metonymically denotes the product made from it, a spear.

11 The phrase θούριαι φάλαγγϵς in Euripides brings to mind the Homeric καρτϵραὶ φάλαγγϵς, again suggesting a connection with the unwavering fighting spirit (ἀλκή) of the phalanx.

12 For instance, LSJ suggests that θοῦριν denoted the shield with which one rushes to the fight, taking up the translation ‘rushing’ (probably based on a wrong interpretation of ancient glosses: see n.18 below). The T-scholia ad Il. 14.12, commenting on the phrase ἄλκιμον ἔγχος, say that ἄλκιμος is applied to a weapon with reference to the carrier: ἄλκιμον· ϵἴρηται κατὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸν φοροῦντα ἤτοι κομίζοντα ἀναφοράν (Erbse (Reference Erbse1969–1988) ad loc. with app. crit.).

13 Cunliffe (Reference Cunliffe1924) s.v. θοῦρος. O’Sullivan (Reference O’Sullivan, Snell and Mette1991) s.v. θοῦρος also uses the phrase ‘transference from onrushing warrior to his shield’.

14 This comes close to an interpretation found in the ancient tradition, Eust. Il. 3.144: ὥσπϵρ ἀλλαχοῦ θοῦρις ἀλκή ἡ θοῦρόν τινα ποιοῦσα, ὅ ἐστιν ὁρμητίαν, οὕτω καὶ ἀσπὶς θοῦρις (‘as elsewhere θοῦρις ἀλκή is that which makes someone θοῦρον, that is impetuous; likewise also ἀσπὶς θοῦρις’). While commenting on the metaphor of putting on clothes in phrases like θοῦριν ἐπιϵίμϵνοι ἀλκήν (‘clothed in fierce fighting spirit’, said of the Aiantes), Cairns (Reference Cairns, Fanfani, Harlow and Nosch2016) 37 makes the following remark: ‘In these locutions, there is a link (but also a disjunction) between the physical armour that one needs to put on in order to enter battle and the right emotional attitude that is the more important form of armour’.

15 On the aegis, cf. Kirk (Reference Kirk1985) on Il. 2.446–51 and Janko (Reference Janko1993) on Il. 15.308–10. The idea that it referred to a goatskin of sorts is confirmed by depictions from the Classical period. In Homer it had tassels (cf. the epithets ἀμφιδάσϵια and θυσσανόϵσσα). Watkins (Reference Watkins2000) has argued that it originally referred to a goatskin bag containing the attributes of prosperity and power, and that as such it is a cultural borrowing from Anatolia, where descriptions and depictions of such an item are found. However, the idea that it must mean ‘goatskin’ is based on the presumed etymological derivation from αἴξ, which remains uncertain (see Watkins (Reference Watkins2000) 4 n.6). Janko thinks it originally denoted the thunderbolt, which would explain its use as an offensive weapon and the fact that the smith Hephaestus was involved in its fabrication. That it referred to a shield is less obvious; this view mainly rests on its description as containing Ἔρις, Ἀλκή, Ἰωκή and a Gorgon’s head (Il. 5.740–41), which brings to mind other descriptions of shields.

16 Again, we may note a similarity with κρατϵρός, which occurs as a qualification of ἀσπίς in Homer in the phrase ἀνϵγνάμφθη δέ οἱ αἰχμὴ | ἀσπίδ’ ἐνὶ κρατϵρῇ (Il. 3.348–49 and 17.44–45). It is possible that κρατϵρός here refers to the toughness of the material of which the shield is made, but it might also refer to its fierce or intimidating aspect: in both passages, the reference is to the shield of Menelaus.

17 For example: θοῦρον. ὁρμητικὸν ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ (sch. vet. D ad Il. 5.454); θοῦριν. πολϵμικήν (sch. vet. D ad Il. 20.162); θοῦριν. Ἤτοι, πολϵμικήν· ἢ, ϵὐκίνητον καὶ κούφην τῷ φοροῦντι (‘either warlike, or easy to wield and light for the person who carries it’) (sch. vet. D ad Il. 11.32). See also θοῦρος· ὁ ὁρμητικὸς, ὁ πολϵμιστής (Etym. Magn. 453 Kallierges s.v. θοῦρος); θούριδος ἀλκῆς· τῆς πολϵμικῆς (Hsch. θ 665 Latte); θοῦρος ὁ ὁρμητικός (Eust. Il. 2.153).

18 Both ὁρμητικός and ϵὐκίνητος might be the source of the translation ‘rushing’ found in modern lexica: note that ὁρμάω can be intransitive, meaning ‘to rush’.

19 The form is reconstructed as *t h orwó- < *d h or(h 3 )-wó-, with the third compensatory lengthening. See García Ramón (Reference García Ramón, Hintze and Tichy2000), Chantraine (Reference Chantraine1968–1980) s.v. θρῴσκω (‘repose certainement sur *θορ-Ϝος’) and also Beekes (Reference Beekes2010) and Frisk (Reference Frisk1960–1972), both s.v. θοῦρος. This accounts for the root vowel <ου> which, as we have seen, is a spurious diphthong.

20 Note that the accepted reconstruction *d h or(h 3 )-wó- also operates with an accent retraction. I intend to publish the details of the proposed reconstruction *d h orsó- in the near future.

21 If θοῦρος is to be analysed as an action noun of the type τομός (‘cutting’), the second option is more plausible because most such adjectives appear to have no separate feminine form.

22 A TLG search shows that the synonymous adjective θούριος does occur twice in its expected feminine form: ναυσὶ θουρίαις (Eur. IA 238) and φάλαγγα θουρίαν (Lycoph. 931).

23 Meister (Reference Meister1921) 7–8.

24 As Meister (Reference Meister1921) 9 remarks, in practice this means that most spondaic verse ends contain a word boundary after the fifth arsis (for example, μϵρόπων ἀνθρώπων) or at the bucolic dieresis (for example, αὐδήϵσσα). Word end after the sixth arsis is quite rare in spondaic verse ends (for example, ϵὐρϵῖα χθών), but it was not as strongly avoided as word end at the fifth dieresis.

25 As for κρῖ λϵυκόν, however, Meister (Reference Meister1921) 7–8 with n.3 rightly remarked that this word group may even have been realized as a compound, with one main lexical accent. The resolvable forms are δήμου φῆμις (Od. 14.239, possibly for *δήμοο φῆμις, cf. Hackstein (Reference Hackstein and Bakker2010) 406 for the genitive ending *-oo), ἱδρῶ πολλόν (Il. 10.574, for *ἱδρόα πολλόν), ἦν ἄλσος (Od. 17.208, for *ἔϵν ἄλσος) and Πατρόκλϵις ἱππϵῦ (Il. 16.20 and passim, the form rightly printed by West (Reference West2000), instead of Πατρόκλϵϵς ἱππϵῦ as printed by Monro and Allen (Reference Monro and Allen1920)). In the last phrase, it is unclear whether the contraction had already taken place when the Iliad was composed, or whether we are dealing with a post-Homeric form that entered the text later in the (oral or textual) tradition. As West (Reference West1998) xxv notes, contracted -ϵις is metrically guaranteed at Il. 16.693 and 859, but poets may have had the choice between disyllabic -ϵϵς and contracted -ϵις. Thus, we do not know whether Homer could still use the disyllabic form. At any rate, it is attractive to assume with Meister that violations of the bridge that carries his name became more acceptable once verse ends with contracted forms like ἠῶ δῖαν had gained currency in epic performances. The verse end νηλῑτϵῖς ϵἰσί (Od. 16.317, 19.498, 22.418, repeated verse), also cited by Meister, is the reading of most older manuscripts, but it cannot be the original form in view of the irregular length of the iota (the root of ἀλιταίνω, ἤλιτον has a short iota). Other attested readings are νηλιτίδϵς and νηλητϵῖς. West (Reference West2017) prints νηλϵίτιές ϵἰσιν in all three places, but linguistic analysis rather suggests that the older form was *νηλϵιτέϵς (cf. Beekes (Reference Beekes1969) 108–09; Tichy (Reference Tichy1977) 174). This, then, is another instance of a resolvable contraction.

26 The third occurrence of the formulaic phrase, Il. 18.157, seems derived from the other two. On the clothing metaphor, see Cairns (Reference Cairns, Fanfani, Harlow and Nosch2016) (cf. n.14 above).

27 Pace the remark of Kirk (Reference Kirk1990) on Il. 7.161–68.

28 See Singor (Reference Singor1991) 33–61, especially p. 42, on nine as a traditional number for a group of warriors. There is a difference between the catalogues of ἀριστῆϵς: Thoas and Odysseus are present in that of book 7, while Menelaus and Teucer are included in book 8.

29 Another means of solving the metrical problem would have been to use φρϵσίν as a satellite before the participle, as in the phrase ἐν δ’ Ἀχιλϵὺς Τρώϵσσι θόρϵ φρϵσὶν ϵἱμένος ἀλκήν (Il. 20.366). However, being the only occurrence of φρϵσὶν ϵἱμένος in Homer, this phrase is probably a one-off creation (note that the double consonant φρ- is needed to make position).

30 For instance, by Sommer (Reference Sommer1909) 208, but without argumentation.

31 For the concept of formulaic prototypes, see Hoekstra (1965).

32 For the secondary nature of metrical lengthening in cretic sequences, see Wyatt (Reference Wyatt1969) 160–64 on the abstract suffix -ίη, and van Beek (Reference van Beek2014) 99–100 on doublets like πλϵίω ∼ πλέω, κλϵίω ∼ κλέω.

33 In his monographic treatment of the suffix -ιδ-, Meier (Reference Meier1975) 47 remarks rather vaguely that θοῦρις ‘ist Feminin zu häufigerem θοῦρος -ον’ (however, note that θοῦρις is in fact more frequent than θοῦρος). Likewise, Schwyzer (Reference Schwyzer1939) 464 merely remarks: ‘Vereinzelt sind die Femininbildungen θοῦρις, νϵῆνις’. Chantraine (Reference Chantraine1933) 341 lists θοῦρις together with the compounds in -ῶπις (γλαυκῶπις, etc.) and the feminines νϵῆνις, κραταιίς and παλλακίς (all Homeric), but without clearly noting that θοῦρις and the type γλαυκῶπις are adjectives, while νϵῆνις, κραταιίς and παλλακίς are nouns. Chantraine (Reference Chantraine1958) and Risch (Reference Risch1974) give no further comment on θοῦρις.

34 Wackernagel (Reference Wackernagel1914) 110–11, followed, for example, by Nagy (Reference Nagy1999) 349.

35 Wackernagel (Reference Wackernagel1914) 111.

36 Wackernagel’s point is that an original oxytone accentuation of θοῦρις is not ruled out by its acc. in -ιν.

37 Simple i-stems inherited from PIE often changed their inflection into an ιδ-stem (cf. Meier (Reference Meier1975) 12–14). This is the origin of alternating accusative forms in -ιν and -ιδα in poetry. In some cases the inflection without -δ- was preserved longer (for example, nom. pl. ἴδριϵς beside later ἴδριδϵς), but in other cases Homer has already generalized -ιδ- (apart from θοῦρις and ἄναλκις, cf. ὄπις, acc. ὄπιν and ὄπιδα).

38 For instance, the acc. ἔριν (ἔρις, ‘strife’) might be secondary to ἔριδα, given the likely etymological analysis of this word as a root noun to ἐρϵίδω (‘to lean against’); cf. Meier (Reference Meier1975) 15 with references.

39 Wackernagel also mentions a few late examples, such as the glosses ἠμορίς· κϵνή, ἐστϵρημένη (‘bereft’) versus ἤμορος· ἄμοιρος (‘without a share’), both in Hesychius. These are subject to the same problem: it cannot be proven that the form in -ίς is the flexional feminine of a masculine in -ος, rather than a derived lexical entry.

40 The same may hold for the peculiar adjectival use of ἁπλοΐς (‘single-layered cloak’) in Homer (not mentioned by Wackernagel; only in the phrase ἁπλοΐδας χλαίνας, ‘single-layered cloaks’) beside the adj. ἁπλόος (‘simple’). Further evidence for the antiquity of substantivizations in *-i- will be discussed in section VI.

41 For these and further examples, see Meister (Reference Meister1921) 10–22; Hackstein (Reference Hackstein and Bakker2010) 410–12 with references.

42 Hackstein (Reference Hackstein and Bakker2010) 411 with literature.

43 Meister (Reference Meister1921) 19, with more examples of middle for active in the fourth foot.

44 Meister (Reference Meister1921) 30.

45 Again, note the unexpected appearance of -ϵύς in a compound, which makes it unlikely that ἡνιοχϵύς was created in a form of spoken Greek. See Meister (Reference Meister1921) 173–74.

46 Cf. already Witte (Reference Witte1911) 113.

47 See, for example, Chantraine (Reference Chantraine1958) 97; Hoekstra (1965) 112. Another proposal was made by Meister (Reference Meister1921) 18–19, who suggested that poets creating ϵὐρέα πόντον started out from the formula ἐπ’ ϵὐρέα νῶτα θαλάσσης (‘over the broad back of the sea’). However, reanalysing ϵὐρέα as an accusative singular requires that poets could view νῶτα not as a neuter plural to νῶτος or νῶτον, but as the accusative singular of a third declension noun *νώς νωτός (vel sim.). This is questionable, as νῶτον unambiguously follows the second declension in Homer.

48 I elaborated on this scenario for the genesis of ϵὐρέα πόντον in a paper presented at the conference ‘Homer as a Cultural Horizon’ (Nice, 21–23 October 2021) and intend to publish the argument separately.

49 Hackstein (Reference Hackstein2002) 89–90 stresses that the creation of artificial forms is not haphazard but subject to rules, and notes that analogical models are normally applied, just as in everyday language. Witte, too, ascribes the rise of artificial forms to analogical influence, for instance in Witte (Reference Witte1909) 135, where he explains στήθϵσσι as an artificial plural that arose under the influence of φρϵσί. Neither scholar, however, makes explicit what type of analogical influence we are dealing with. Meister (Reference Meister1921) 23 comes fairly close to the views expressed here, for instance when speaking of προσώπατα as a hypostasis of the phrase πρὸς ὦπα ‘in Anlehnung an das Bedeutungsgleiche ὄμμασι ὄμματα’, but as far as I am aware he does not use the term ‘contamination’. Cf. also the remarkable form ἐκ δαιτύος (Il. 22.496), which Meister (Reference Meister1921) 19 correctly identified as an ‘Umbildung nach ἐδητύος’ for expected *ἐκ δαιτός.

50 For a critical discussion of the conditions under which contamination may occur, see Vine (Reference Vine2006).

51 For example, Hock (Reference Hock1991) 197–99.

52 It is unlikely that θοῦρις arose by contamination in some spoken variety of Greek that contributed to the epic tradition. As a context where contamination of θοῦρος and ἄναλκις could take place, one could think of a question like θοῦρος ϵἶ ἢ ἄναλκις; (‘Are you a fighter or a coward?’). It is problematic, however, that adjectives in -ις are rare and unproductive in Greek generally (see section VI.ii below). One would therefore expect a normal contamination of θοῦρος and ἄναλκις to have yielded *ἄναλκος, all the more since this is the expected form of a privative compound of ἀλκή.

53 That θοῦρος and ἄναλκις are antonyms is illustrated well by the phrase ἀπτόλϵμος καὶ ἄναλκις (Il. 2.201), acc. ἀπτόλϵμον καὶ ἀνάλκιδα (Il. 9.35): one of the glosses structurally applied to θοῦρος as an epithet of Ares in the Greek lexicographical tradition (cf. section II) is πολϵμικός (‘warlike’), the opposite of ἀπτόλϵμος.

54 It could be held against the assumed influence that ἀνάλκιδα θυμόν (φύζαν) could not have easily occurred in the same metrical position (verse final) as θούριδος ἀλκῆς, as this would have caused a violation of Hermann’s Bridge. However, when preceded by καί the form ἀνάλκιδα does occur in this position in other phrases (verse-final κακὸν καὶ ἀνάλκιδα φήσϵι (Il. 8.153), κακὸν καὶ ἀνάλκιδα φάντϵς (Il. 14.126); see also κακὸν καὶ ἄναλκιν ἔσϵσθαι (Od. 3.375)), as do other adjectives in -ιδ- (for example, ἑλικώπιδα κούρην (Il. 1.98), ϵὐώπιδα κούρην (Od. 6.113 and 142)). Note that these accusatives in -ιδα may themselves be artificial reshapings of forms in -ιν, again elicited by their occurrence in the fifth foot.

55 Meier (Reference Meier1975) 37 and 53.

56 The exception is Xenophon, who uses both παλλακίς (4x) and παλλακή (1x), without any apparent semantic distinction.

57 The fact that παλλακίς occurs in Homer even where παλλακή could have been used (ἐμὲ δ’ ὠνητὴ τέκϵ μήτηρ | παλλακίς, Od. 14.202–03) suggests that παλλακίς is the traditional epic lexeme. However, since παλλακίς occurs only three times in Homer, this conclusion remains tentative.

58 Balles (Reference Balles2008) 234 and 304.

59 The suffix arose by a formal merger of at least two different suffixes, -ι- (from Indo-European *-i-) and -ίδ- (of debated origin). On PIE substantivizing -i- and its reflexes in Greek, see section V.

60 Cf. Risch (Reference Risch1974) 141–44 for the formations in -ίς attested in Homer; for an overview of all early attestations and functions of -ίς, see Meier (Reference Meier1975). See also Balles (Reference Balles2008) 334.

61 Cf. also πατρίς (‘of one’s father’, modifying words for ‘land’), also substantivized ἡ πατρίς (‘fatherland’); ἡρωΐς (‘of a hero’), also substantivized ‘heroine’; στρατηγίς (‘of a general’, said of ships, of a tent), also ‘female general’.

62 The accented penult of πολῖτις is generally thought to have been taken over from the masculine form πολίτης.

63 Other examples are νϵβρός (‘fawn’) → νϵβρίς (‘fawnskin’); παρϵιαί (‘cheeks’) → παρηΐς (‘cheekpiece’).

64 Thus Kastner (Reference Kastner1967); in contrast, Meier (Reference Meier1975) 67 claims that stems in -ίδ- originated as feminine nouns.

65 Most of the adjectival feminines in -ις compared with θοῦρις by Balles (Reference Balles2008) 304 are derived from nouns, and therefore not suitable as parallels.

66 Cf. Meier (Reference Meier1975) 35–36. Compare also the remarks of Balles (Reference Balles2008) 205 on the overarching function of -ίδ-: ‘Als Grundfunktion lässt sich die Bezeichnung von Zugehörigkeit bestimmen, doch ist diese nicht unspezifisch, generisch wie bei den Zugehörigkeitsadjektiven, sondern substantiviert und individualisiert, so dass durch das Wortbildungsmuster immer ein konkreter Gegenstand bezeichnet wird. Seine Funktion ist die Aussonderung eines Individuativums aus der Menge der durch das Grundwort erfassten Dinge’ (emphasis added).

67 Compare Kastner (Reference Kastner1967) 60: ‘Bemerkenswert ist, dass in πατρὶς γαῖα u.ä. das Adjektiv auf -ιδ- das natürliche Geschlecht bezeichnet … Bei der grossen Zahl von Eigennamen-Ableitungen mit -ιδ- steht gleichfalls das natürliche Femininum im Vordergrund (Frau, Land). Weiter wird das -ιδ- Femininum häufig substantiviert und erscheint somit in der Bedeutungssphäre eng begrenzt’.

69 Balles (Reference Balles, Lühr and Ziegler2009) has pleaded for the existence of primary PIE i-stem adjectives, but in Greek the evidence for such a function is negligeable (see below). Meier (Reference Meier1975) 12 appears to assume that the adjectival use of accented -ίδ- (on which see section VI.i) is secondary, while adjectives in -ι- (as those listed here) were inherited as such from PIE. In my view, the original situation is exactly the reverse: see below.

70 See Schindler (Reference Schindler, Mayrhofer, Peters and Pfeiffer1980) 390; Nussbaum (Reference Nussbaum, Eichner and Luschützky1999) 299; (Reference Nussbaum, Neri and Schuhmann2014). In support of his idea, Schindler drew attention to feminine abstracts made with the suffix *-i- in Slavic languages, remarking that abstracts may lexicalize as concrete nouns, as in German Flüssigkeit (‘liquid’), which was originally an abstract meaning ‘liquidity’. The doctrine that *-i- made adjectival abstracts is now widely accepted: cf. Balles (Reference Balles2006) 272–87; Vine (Reference Vine2006); Meusel (Reference Meusel2015).

72 Cf. also ὄκρις (‘jagged point’), Old Latin (Festus) ocris (‘rugged or stony mountain’), Vedic áśri- (‘corner’), all reflecting PIE *h 2 óḱri-.

73 Adjectives in -i- are also relatively common in Hittite and Celtic languages: see, for example, Balles (Reference Balles, Lühr and Ziegler2009).

75 Nussbaum (Reference Nussbaum, Neri and Schuhmann2014) 305. With the term ‘abortive’, Nussbaum presumably refers to the fact that some substantivized adjectives were never born as distinct lexemes.

76 Cf. Meier (Reference Meier1975) 47: ‘κορωνίς “mit gekrümmtem Bug” … wohl Ableitung zu κορωνός “gekrümmt”’.

77 See LSJ s.v. κορωνίς, II: ‘as Subst., anything curved or bent’, for example, ‘wreath, garland’ (Stesichorus), and notably ‘hook-shaped stroke with the pen’ (late authors), which is probably a diminutive of κορώνη. The phrase ἐπὶ βουσὶ κορωνίσι (Theoc. 25.151) is reminiscent of Homeric ἐπὶ νηυσὶ κορωνίσι and perhaps based on it.

78 See LSJ s.v. κορώνη, II: ‘door handle’ (Od.), ‘curved tip of a bow’ (Il.+), ‘curved stern of a ship’ (Aratus, Phaen. 345), ‘tip of the plough pole (ἱστοβοϵύς), upon which the yoke is hooked or tied’ (Ap. Rhod.+), ‘coronoid process’ (Hippoc.+).

79 For this possibility, see also Risch (Reference Risch1974) 144.

80 Cf., for example, πορθμίς (‘ferry boat’), στρατηγίς (‘flagship’), θϵωρίς (‘mission ship’), φρουρίς (‘guardian ship’), etc.

81 Of these words, ϵὖνις and ἴδρις preserved the inflection with -ι- (cf. nom. pl. τρόφιϵς, ἴδριϵς); in the case of ϵὖνις we find -ιδ-, though only after Homer.

82 Cf. Risch (Reference Risch1974) 166, Balles (Reference Balles, Lühr and Ziegler2009) 14. In addition to the four words discussed, another comparable instance of -ίς derived from an adjective is ἡ πηγυλίς (‘icy night’), apparently from a lost *πηγύλος (for adjectival -ύλος, cf., for example, καμπύλος and ἀγκύλος (‘bent’)). However, in its only old attestation (Od. 14.476) πηγυλίς stands in enjambment with νύξ in the preceding line and could therefore very well be a noun in apposition. The only adjective in -ις that is not clearly a substantivization is θέσπις (‘wonderful’) (vel sim.): in Homer, it qualifies ἀοιδή and ἀοιδός. It is originally a compound of the roots θϵσ- and σπ- (either ‘speak’ or ‘wield, ply’), but as its lexical meaning and exact derivation remain uncertain, θέσπις cannot be used as a parallel for θοῦρις. On ἄναλκις and other compounds in -ις, see below.

83 It has been supposed that ἴδρις is a contamination between older *ἰδρός (‘knowing’) and the compounds ἄιδρις (‘inexperienced’), πολύιδρις (‘expert’) (both Hom.+): cf. Le Feuvre (Reference Le Feuvre, Blanc and Petit2016) 184 n.17, who compares Old Norse vitr (‘smart’) reflecting *wid-ró-. However, such a scenario presupposes that -ις was at first limited to compounds, which is doubtful (see below). For further reflections on this issue, see Meusel (Reference Meusel2015).

84 Meusel (Reference Meusel2015).

85 See van Beek (Reference van Beek2019), where the syntax and etymology of ϵὖνις are discussed. I derive ϵὖνις from an adjective *i̯euno- (‘private’) based on an Indo-European root *i̯eu- (‘to separate, keep apart’), and argue that such an adjective is also reflected in ϵὐνή (‘bed, nest’). The substantivized form in -i- has a counterpart in Vedic Sanskrit yóni- (‘private place, bed’) < *i̯euni-.

86 For the derivation and semantics of this word, see Le Feuvre (Reference Le Feuvre, Blanc and Petit2016) with ample discussion of earlier proposals. Le Feuvre notes that other o-graded stems in -ις are nouns (cf. Chantraine (Reference Chantraine1933) 112) and argues that a noun ἡ τρόφις meaning ‘crystallized matter’ is presupposed by other evidence. She therefore assumes that the Homeric τρόφι was originally a noun, too, and views the attestation in Herodotus as based on a wrong interpretation of the Homeric passage.

87 In my view, the most attractive interpretation of πολλὸν δὲ τρόφι κῦμα κυλίνδϵται is to take κῦμα in its collective sense ‘the surge/swell’, to view the middle voice of κυλίνδϵται as artificial (for this phenomenon before the bucolic dieresis, see Meister (Reference Meister1921) 19–20 on forms like ἀκούϵτο, διώκϵτο, ἰθύνϵτο, τιταίνϵτο) and to translate πολλὸν … τρόφι as ‘much foam’ (cf. κύματα … τροφόϵντα). Thus, the entire phrase would mean: ‘and the sea-surface pushes on a lot of foam’.

88 According to Nussbaum (Reference Nussbaum, Neri and Schuhmann2014) and Meusel (Reference Meusel2015), i-stem adjectives may also have developed from original abstracts. In my view, it is preferable to view i-stems as substantivizations, or even as predicative adjectives in origin, but this point cannot be pursued here.

89 Cf. the short list of examples given in Wackernagel (Reference Wackernagel1905) 105, for example, Vedic árdha- (‘side, half’) beside práty-ardhi- (‘person to whom belongs one half’).

90 Directly comparable in terms of suffixation and meaning is the Homeric hapax φύξηλις (‘coward’, Il. 17.143), which is used predicatively: ἦ σ’ αὔτως κλέος ἐσθλὸν ἔχϵι φύξηλιν ἐόντα. As with ἄναλκις, a thematic by-form is not attested.

91 Besides the case that follows, cf. also Il. 2.201, 5.331, 8.153, 9.41, 14.126; Od. 3.375, 4.334.

92 Compare the English adjective cowardly, which could have derived from the noun coward because that form is often used predicatively (for example, ‘he showed himself a coward’).

93 The rare masculine form ἀκοίτης may well be secondary with respect to ἄκοιτις.

94 For the exception θέσπις, see above.

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