La actual Constitución de México establece un régimen democrático para regular la vida de los 32 millones de habitantes de la nación que viven en una área de 2 millones de kilómetros cuadrados, o sea approximadamente una cuarta parte del territorio continental de Estados Unidos. Redactada y promulgada en 1917, la Constitución establece las aspiraciones legítimas de su pueblo, originadas en el profundo movimiento social, político y económico conocido como la Revolución Mexicana — el primero de los múltiples movimientos similares que en el siglo XX se han presentado en diversas partes del mundo — iniciado en 1910 contra la dictadura que gobernó al país durante 30 años.

That indigenismo — in the sense of a sympathetic awareness of the Indian by social scientist, essayist, and creative writer – came into full flower in the two decades following the Mexican Revolution is amply confirmed by the most cursory survey of Mexican intellectual and artistic activity of this period. Interest in the Indian and in his halfbrother, the mestizo, is well-attested by the activities of José Vasconcelos as Minister of Education during the early twenties; by the appearance of Vasconcelos’ popular essays, La raza cósmica (1925) and Indoiogía (1927); by the anthropological and ethnological investigations of Manuel Gamio and Alfonso Caso, by the strikingly nativist orientation of the graphic arts; and finally, by the creation of the Indianist novel in the thirties.

Tout pays pose un certain nombre de problèmes de base. Us se rammènent à quatre groupes principaux: Politique, Administratif, Social et Economique.

Quelle est la position d'Haiti, face à ees problèmes?

Depuis 1804, et bien avant, nous nous sommes toujours oceupés de politique, ou de ce que nous appelons tel. S'applique plus adéquatement a nous, Haitiens, ce mot d'Aristotle: “L'homme est un animal politique.”

Le politique est tout ce qui concerne l'organisation de 1'Etat, l'exercice de ses pouvoirs, des droits et des obligations des citoyens pour la raison qu'iis vivent en groupes, sous une autorité donée. Le politique peut se démembrer et s'appliquer à différentes fins.

In attempting to define the parameters of Haitian society, three basic status pyramids will be employed, economic, social-occupational, and political. In each case, an effort will be made to distinguish between caste (inherited) and class (personally-achieved distinction) elements which seem to be present. These criteria will then be placed in comparison or opposition to the acid test of individual recognition of status and solidarity toward the class with which Haitians identify themselves.

The absolute upper and lower limits of class in Haiti are not difficult to distinguish by economic or socio-occupational standards, and with a few notable exceptions there is a high degree of political correlation in that both the upper and lower groups participate very little in the political mechanism. Thus whereas these two groups are at opposite poles in the first two pyramids, they are essentially undistinguishable in the third.

El propósito del presente artículo es principalmente el de sugerir, en lineas generales, la naturaleza de algunos de los problemas de mayor vigencia dentro del cuadro actual de la política latinoamericana. Ante la imposibilidad de ofrecer en este espacio una visión completa de la escena política, nos hemos limitado al análisis de cuatro tendencias que, según impresiones recogidas en dos viajes recientes por nuestro continente, constituyen, en nuestra opinión, factores primordiales de la actividad política en estos países.

La primera de estas tendencias, que el extranjero percibe de inmediato, es la ola creciente de sentimiento anti-norteamericano. Aunque este factor no haya alcanzado todavía proporciones desmedidas, debe constituir motivo de seria preocupación a todos los estudiosos de la realidad latinoamericana.

Portuguese, a relative newcomer to most college and university curricula, may possibly have been taught in the United States as early as the close of the seventeenth century in a school belonging to the Spanish and Portuguese Synagogue of New York City. It seems likely that the early records kept in Portuguese over several decades were written by those who received their training in the language in New York City. Instruction in Portuguese in college was first offered by a Frenchman, Father Peter Babad of the Society of St. Sulpice. Just when the priest began teaching Portuguese at St. Mary's College in Baltimore, Maryland, is not precisely known, but in 1816 he had a class in it under the auspices of the Department of Classical Languages.

El año 1808 significa en la historia del mundo español el fin de una época y el comienzo de otra. El brusco cambio lleva consigo distintas implicaciones en las distintas subdivisiones de la Monarquía hispana: y aunque en Puerto Rico no significa la independencia política—contrario a lo que ocurría en los dominios continentales de Su Magestad Católica en América — no por eso cesa de ser también en la Isla límite entre épocas el año de la invasión napoleónica; épocas que podríamos denominar “indiana” y “ultramarina”. Ofrece, pues, cierto interés el cuadro que presenta la segunda población de Puerto Rico, precisamente en la última década del “antiguo régimen”.

Since Perón's ouster in 1955, Argentine political parties have been in a state of flux with traditional groups fragmenting and organizations wholly unknown during the Perón era making their appearance on the political scene. This process of political realignment is still under way and it would be idle to claim as definitive or even as valid for the next few years any listing of political groups. Nevertheless, for those who must rely on U. S. press coverage or comparably limited sources to follow the Argentine political scene, a description of the political party spectrum as it existed in 1957-1958 can serve as a guide to the current political maze and as a bench mark from which to measure subsequent change.