Declining populations of marine mammals have led to growing concern about their conservation. As a result, a series of specific conservation measures have been put in place (bans on hunting and trading, establishment of protected marine areas). Such rules, although restoring the populations of some species of marine mammals, have nevertheless failed to protect them from the most challenging threat to their survival: the bycatch of non-target species. Accordingly, this Article highlights gaps within fisheries law, clarifying the efficacy of existing norms on the protection of the most endangered marine species of marine mammals, with a particular focus on cetaceans, from over-exploitation.

To this aim, the Article explores the peculiar norms developed by treaties of global and regional scope and the European Union (EU) with reference to specific species, including whales, seals, small cetaceans—referred to as direct protection. The Article then proceeds to an analysis of fisheries law that addresses, in an incidental manner, marine mammal protection—referred to as indirect protection.

The Article is based on the assumption that measures simply banning hunting or fishing, as envisaged by wildlife law, must necessarily be complemented by fisheries law—that is, Inter-regime linkages. Paradoxically, indirect protection can have a major impact in terms of improvement of both fish welfare and conservation; the problem lies in the fact that current fisheries law fails to provide an adequate response to bycatch. This Article proposes methods to improve fisheries law and also discusses whether the emerging concept of fish welfare can be an asset if included in fisheries rules; the Article ultimately contends that welfare issues must necessarily be part of future legal developments.

The year 2000 marked the birth of EU anti-discrimination law as a field in its own right, with the adoption of two major Equality Directives. They extended the prohibition of discrimination with five additional grounds and expanded the material scope of equality regulation. Having reached its eighteenth birthday in the year 2018, EU anti-discrimination law can now celebrate its adulthood and deserves a bird’s eye exploration of its achievements, failures, and prospects. The present Article provides this exploration by zooming in on these twin Directives, as well as on the “new” grounds of discrimination planted therein, namely race and ethnicity—the grounds introduced by the Race Equality Directive—religion, sexual orientation, age, and disability—the grounds introduced by Framework Equality Directive—and the related jurisprudence of European courts. It first outlines the genesis and main stages in the development of EU anti-discrimination law, followed by a discussion of major normative and practical themes emerging in EU anti-discrimination law after 2000, such as the personal and material scope of the Directives, new forms of discrimination, mechanisms to counteract discrimination, and the proceduralization of EU anti-discrimination law.

Five years after the Dublin transfers of asylum seekers to Greece were halted—due to recurrent failings in the detention conditions, living conditions, and asylum procedure—the European Commission recommended a resumption of the practice. This Article analyzes the Recommendation in light of the human rights reports preceding and following it. The examination reveals that the renewal of systematic transfers would be premature, posing serious risks to the rights of asylum seekers under European and EU law. The restoration of a flawed system for distribution of asylum claims among the Member States—without fundamental reforms towards greater solidarity—may lead to a repetition of past mistakes. Despite the paramount importance of the Dublin system for the functioning of the Schengen Area, rule enforcement should not supersede human rights protection.

In Western capitalist societies, the three postwar decades witnessed a strong interconnection between income taxation and democracy. On the one hand, the democratically representative political process constituted a precondition for the legitimacy of taxation. On the other hand, redistributive income taxation enhanced conditions for equal democratic participation by allocating resources and equalizing political power among citizens. The asymmetric European integration that has advanced transnationalization of cross-border market order but preserved income taxation under national political authority has established fiscal interdependence between Member States of the EU and exposed them to transnational regulatory effects. As a result, Member States’ performance to uphold the symbiosis between democracy and taxation has eroded. While this has led some to call for further integration of taxes beyond the nation state, others have remained skeptical about the democratic legitimacy of Europeanized taxation. This Article argues that the Europeanization of income taxation would help to reconstruct the conditions under which the symbiosis between income taxation and democracy is restored, although this requires the notion of democratic community to be reinterpreted according to the standards that cannot be equated with nation-based boundaries of a political community.

One of the novelties brought about by the new General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) is a strengthening of the concept of consent. For instance, although the freely given stipulation existed in the old framework—the Data Protection Directive 95/46/EC—the changes introduced by the GDPR arguably imply that access to services may no longer depend on data subject consent. In reality however, data subjects often find themselves confronted with standard privacy policies and take-it-or-leave-it offers. Against this background, this Article aims to examine the alignment of the respective data protection and privacy, consumer protection, and competition law policy agendas through the lens of pre-formulated declarations of consent. The Article aims to delineate the role of each area with specific reference to the GDPR and ePrivacy Directive, the Unfair Terms Directive, the Consumer Rights Directive, and the Digital Content Directive (Compromise), in addition to market dominance. Competition law analysis is explored vis-à-vis whether it could offer indicators of when a clear imbalance in controller-data subject relations may occur in the context of the requirement for consent to be freely given, as per its definition in the GDPR. This complements the data protection and consumer protection analysis which focuses on the specific reference to the Unfair Terms Directive in Recital 42 GDPR, stating that pre-formulated declarations of consent should not contain unfair terms.

In recent years, the CJEU has impressively brought to bear the protection of the fundamental rights to privacy and protection of personal data as contained in the CFREU. The Court’s decisions in the Digital Rights, Schrems, Tele2, and PNR cases have reshaped the political and legal landscape in Europe and beyond. By restricting the powers of the governments of EU Member States and annulling legislative acts enacted by the EU legislator, the decisions had, and continue to have, effects well beyond the respective individual cases. Despite their strong impact on privacy and data protection across Europe, however, these landmark decisions reveal a number of flaws and inconsistencies in the conceptualization of the rights to privacy and protection of personal data as endorsed and interpreted by the CJEU. This Article identifies and discusses some of the shortcomings revealed in the recent CJEU privacy and data protection landmark decisions and proposes to the CJEU a strategy aimed at resolving these shortcomings going forward.

This Article criticizes two trends on the Brazilian literature of communitarian law: A mental exercise that can only be termed as an “EU analogy” and a need to evoke the Congress of Panama of 1826 as the origin of Mercosur. As odd as it may seem, those trends are somewhat connected. Comparisons between the European Union and Mercosur abound in scholarly works, and they became so popular that a more simplified version of this comparison came into being. When explaining the current dilemma that Mercosur faces—or any other predicament as well—Brazilian scholars often tend to provide only one solution consisting in a vague reference to the supranational character of the European Union. This reference appears out of context and solves any problem. A trend so common as the EU analogy exemplifies that some Brazilian experts on communitarian law have also assumed an idealized version of our neighbors’ take on the Latin America integration. Apparently, Mercosur dates back to the Congress of Panama of 1826 and Simón Bolívar’s ideals on Latin American integration. The story faces several historical obstacles and yet has spread so rapidly that it has acquired the stature of a true myth. This work presents these two inclinations and contends that one relies on the other. Rather than providing an accurate explanation, as one would expect on a scientific text, they justify a certain concealed intent. This Article employs an inductive method of approach and relies on primary sources to explain the foundational myth so to prevent historical misconceptions.

Once a year, the German-speaking public law assistants meet to discuss recent developments in their working areas. This year, the anniversary of several enactments of constitutions, such as the Grundgesetz, suggested to discuss issues with regard to the role of constitutions for the democratic state, constitutional change, and the relevance of constitutions for societal cohabitation. During the lively discussions, one could observe a trend towards interdisciplinary research in the work of young public law scholars.

The book that has most stimulated my life in the law over the past year is Michael Ignatieff’s The Ordinary Virtues: Moral Order in a Divided World.1 I write “stimulated” rather than “inspired” because some of its claims are disorientating, others are disputable, and the most important are disconcerting. Despite, or rather due to, that provocation I find the book more engaging. The Ordinary Virtues is a self-described moral progress report amid globalization and as such is a work of sociology, anthropology, and philosophy. However, Ignatieff’s report implicates many important topical issues of international and constitutional law. It should, I believe, inform the thinking of legal scholars on global ethics and public policy today.