¹ Barzun, , Clio and the Doctors (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974), 14Google Scholar.

² I am dating “modern” psychohistory from the publication of two seminal works: Alexander and Juliette George's Woodrow Wilson and Colonel House in 1956, and Erikson's Young Man Luther in 1958. In this review essay, I am limiting myself to work dealing with figures in American politics.

³ See esp. Erikson, , Gandhi's Truth (New York: Norton, 1969), 266Google Scholar.

⁴ George, “Assessing Presidential Character,” review of James David Barber, The Presidential Character, in World Politics, xxvi (January 1974), 234–82.

⁵ Ibid., 253; emphasis added.

⁶ Ibid. See also George, Alexander L., “Some Uses of Dynamic Psychology in Political Biography: Case Materials on Woodrow Wilson,” in Greenstein, Fred I. and Lerner, Michael, eds., A Sourcebook for the Study of Personality and Politics (Chicago: Markham, 1971)Google Scholar.

⁷ George (fn. 4), 263 ff.

⁸ George (fn. 6), 80; emphasis and footnote omitted.

⁹ Greenstein, , Personality and Politics: Problems of Evidence, Inference, and Conceptualization (New York: Norton, 1975), 65 ffGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ Ibid., 66; emphasis added.

¹¹ Ibid.

¹² George (fn. 6), 85.

¹³ For example, see p. 396: “When Hamilton passionately sought an objective, he moved like a missile that pulls all air currents into patterns that will serve its flight.”

¹⁴ Flexner writes:

That James Hamilton had broken with his family and was exiled from his birthright seems clear. Did he depart as a gesture of independence that left him subsequently too proud to ask for help? Had he fled from a disastrous love affair, a hated marriage, conduct considered unbecoming a gentleman, an irreconcilable difference with his father and brothers, debts he could not pay, or a yawning of prison gates? If little Alexander was ever told, he never recorded what he knew (p. 18).

¹⁵ Flexner seems to base his interpretation largely on a single letter. See pp. 21–22.

¹⁶ See esp. pp. 73–74. For another example of Adams's incorporation of the principles of an authority figure he had rejected, see the discussion of Thomas Hutchinson on p. 228.

¹⁷ For a recent example, see Wills, Garry, Inventing America: Jefferson's Declaration of Independence (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1978)Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Indeed, Brodie herself points to such a conclusion. See pp. 92 and 234–35.

¹⁹ For a brief but excellent discussion of Jefferson's attitude toward race, see Peterson, Merrill D., Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), 256–65Google Scholar. “Jefferson's basic assumptions toward race were liberal and enlightened,” Peterson writes, “but they were upset by his observation from the post of a Virginia planter.”

²⁰ In a recent article, Kearns has indicated that she has had second thoughts about her organization of the book. See The New Republic, March 3, 1979, pp. 27–29.

²¹ On the need to consider alternative hypotheses, see Greenstein (fn. 9).