¹ For the sake of clarity, let me make clear the geographical scope I give these terms. With appropriate apologies to Latin Americans and Canadians, I feel compelled by the demands of brevity to use the term “America” to refer to the thirteen colonies that subsequently became the United States of America. By “Europe” I mean Great Britain and the Continent. By “the Continent” I refer to France, the Low Countries, Spain, Portugal, Sweden, and the Holv Roman Empire.

² The Seventeenth Century (New York 1961), 91.Google Scholar

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⁵ Chrimes, S. B., English Constitutional History, 2nd ed. (London 1953), 121–23.Google Scholar See also Holdsworth, W. S., A History of English Law, 3rd ed. (London 1945), IV, 209ff.Google Scholar

⁶ Notestein, Wallace, The English People on the Eve of Colonization: 1603–1630 (New York 1954), xiv.Google Scholar See also Corwin, Edward S., The “Higher Law” Background of American Constitutional Law (Ithaca 1955), 74.Google Scholar

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⁹ Mcllwain, High Court, 388.

¹⁰ The Rise and Growth of American Politics (New York 1900), 5.Google Scholar See also Bryce, James, The American Commonwealth (London 1891), II, 658.Google Scholar

¹¹ See the distinction between modernization and political development in Huntington, , “Political Development and Political Decay,” World Politics, XVII (April 1965), 386–430.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁶ Chrimes, 122–23. See also Black, J. B., The Reign of Elizabeth 1558–1603, 2nd ed. (Oxford 1959), 206.Google Scholar

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¹⁹ Ibid., 258. See Allen, 386; Mcllwain, , ed., The Political Works of James I (Cambridge, Mass., 1918).Google Scholar

²⁰ Pietro A. Canonhiero, quoted in Friedrich, 15–16.

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²² Palmer, R. R., The Age of the Democratic Revolution (Princeton 1959), 1Google Scholar, 461: “In 1787 demands were heard for revival of Provincial Estates in various parts of the country. It was a long-delayed reaction against Richelieu and Louis XIV, a demand to make France a constitutional monarchy, not on the English model, but on the model of a France that had long since passed away.”

²³ See Clark's summary of constitutional trends, 86–87. See also Carsten, F. L., Princes and Parliaments in Germany (Oxford 1959), 436–37Google Scholar; and Holdsworth, 168–72.

²⁴ “The Trew Law of Free Monarchies,” in Mcllwain, ed., Political Worlds, 62.

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²⁶ Mcllwain, High Court, 93–96.

²⁷ Corwin, 89.

²⁸ Sabine, George H., A History of Political Theory, rev. ed. (New York 1950), 455.Google Scholar

²⁹ Pp. 31–33. For a perceptive discussion of the implications that this rejection of sovereignty has for the way in which the political system has adapted to the most modern of problems, see Price, Don K., The Scientific Estate (Cambridge, Mass., 1965)Google Scholar, passim, but esp. 45–46, 58, 75–78, 165–67.

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³⁴ Horwill, Herbert W., The Usages of the American Constitution (London 1925), 169.Google Scholar

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³⁶ Horwill, 169–70.

³⁷ See, e.g., the comments of one American newspaperman covering the 1964 general election: “British members of Parliament aren't oriented toward their constituencies. They don't even have to live in them. … Constituencies tend to be regarded as political factories to provide fodder for the national consensus in London. An American Congressman may get 1,500 to 2,000 letters a week from people who elect him. A British MP usually gets no more than 10” (MacLeish, Roderick, New York Herald Tribune, October 11, 1964).Google Scholar

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³⁹ Pollard, Evolution of Parliament, 257.

⁴⁰ Neustadt, Richard E., Presidential Power: The Politics of Leadership (New York 1960), 33.Google Scholar

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⁴⁴ Mcllwain, High Court, ix, 385–86.

⁴⁵ Holdsworth, 174, 184–85, 188–89.

⁴⁶ See Neale, J. E., The Elizabethan House of Commons (London 1949), 290–95Google Scholar; Rowse, 307; Thompson, 169–73; Matthews, Donald R., The Social Background of Political Decision-Makers (New York 1954), 28–31Google Scholar; Ross, J. F. S., Elections and Electors (London 1955), 444Google Scholar; Guttsman, W. L., The British Political Elite (New York 1963), 82Google Scholar, 90, 105; Butler, D. E. and Rose, Richard, The British General Election of 1959 (London 1960), 127.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Bagehot, Walter, The English Constitution (London 1949), 3–4.Google Scholar See also Sutton, Francis X., “Representation and the Nature of Political Systems,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 11 (October 1959), 7Google Scholar: “… the kind of distinction Bagehot made when he talked of the ‘dignified’ and ‘efficient’ parts of the English constitution is observed clearly in many states. … The discrimination of functions here rests, of course, on an analytical distinction relevant in any political system. It is that between symbolic representation and executive control.”

⁴⁸ Jefferson, Thomas, Letter to James Madison, December 20, 1787, Writings (Washington 1903–05), VI, 389–90Google Scholar; Ford, 293. For an elegant—and eloquent—essay on the President as king, see Brogan, D. W., “The Presidency,” Encounter (January 1964), 3–7.Google Scholar I am in debt to Richard E. Neustadt for insights into the nature of the American monarchy and into the similarities between White House politics and palace politics. See also Pollard, Factors in American History, 72–73: “… down to this day the Executive in the United States is far more monarchical and monarchy far more personal than in the United Kingdom. ‘He’ is a single person there, but ‘it’ is a composite entity in Great Britain.“

⁴⁹ Wright, Benjamin F., “The Origins of the Separation of Powers in America,” Economics, XIII (May 1933), 169ff.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Neale, , Elizabeth I and Her Parliaments (New York 1958), 1, 16–17.Google Scholar

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⁵⁴ P. 294.

⁵⁵ Neale, House of Commons, 411.

⁵⁶ Rowse, 294–95.

⁵⁷ Neale, House of Commons, 410–12, and Elizabeth I and Her Parliaments, passim. Until the eighteenth century, Privy Councillors, of course, functioned as advisers to the King much as cabinet members now do to the President. Perhaps reflecting both this similarity and the later drastic change that took place in the British cabinet is the fact that in the United States the executive leadership is still called “the Administration,” as it was in eighteenth-century Britain, while in Britain itself, it is now termed “the Government.”

⁵⁸ See, in general, Huntington, , The Soldier and the State (Cambridge, Mass., 1957)Google Scholar, passim.

⁵⁹ Hexter, J. H., Reappraisals in History (Evanston 1962), 147Google Scholar; and Clark, 84. On the fundamental changes in European military practice, see Michael Roberts, The Military Revolution: 1560–1660 (Belfast n.d.).

⁶⁰ Vagts, Alfred, A History of Militarism, rev. ed. (New York 1959), 92.Google Scholar See generally Morton, Louis, “The Origins of American Military Policy,” Military Affairs, XXII (Summer 1958), 75–82.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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⁶² Seventeenth Century, 99, 101–2. See also Wright, 256: “… it would appear that the political order of Europe changed most radically and rapidly in the seventeenth and twentieth centuries when war reached greatest intensity. The seventeenth century witnessed the supersession of feudalism and the Holy Roman Empire by the secular sovereign states of Europe. The twentieth century appears to be witnessing the supersession of the secular sovereign states by something else. Exactly what cannot yet be said.”

⁶³ McIIwain, High Court, 336; Rowse, 223ff.

⁶⁴ Friedrich, 20–21; Sabine, 372–73.

⁶⁵ Chrimes, 138.

⁶⁶ Hartz, Louis, The Founding of New Societies (New York 1964), 3Google Scholar, 4, 6, 23. Hartz's theory of fragmentation furnishes an excellent general framework for the analysis of the atrophy of settlement colonies, while his concept of the American liberal consensus in large part explains the preservation of Tudor political institutions.

⁶⁷ Hartz, , The Liberal Tradition in America (New York 1955), 9–10Google Scholar, 45–46, 85–86, 133–34, 281–82.

⁶⁸ Ibid., 43.

⁶⁹ Williams, , American Society, 2nd ed., rev. (New York 1961), 571Google Scholar; Ginzberg, Eli and Reilley, Ewing W., Effecting Change in Large Organizations (New York 1957), 18–19.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Kling, Merle, “Toward a Theory of Power and Political Instability in Latin America,” Western Political Quarterly, IX (March 1956), 21–31.Google Scholar

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⁷⁴ P. 434; Friedrich, 20–25.

⁷⁵ Palmer, passim, but esp. 323–407. Of the Belgian revolution of 1787 against Joseph II, Palmer writes (p. 347), “The issue was clear. It was between social change and constitutional liberty. Reform would come at the cost of arbitrary government overriding the articulate will and historic institutions of the country. Or liberty would be preserved at the cost of perpetuating archaic systems of privilege, property, special rights, class structure, ecclesiastical participation in the state. It was a revolution against the innovations of a modernizing government—in a sense, a revolution against the Enlightenment. It was not in this respect untypical of the time.”

Compare this with Apter's, David conclusion that in contemporary Africa “the degree of autocracy which emerges after independence is in virtual proportion to the degree of antagonism the government shows to tradition” (The Political Kingdom in Uganda [Princeton 1961], 476).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ See Wallerstein, Immanuel, Africa: The Politics of Independence (New York 1961), 159–63Google Scholar; and Schachter, Ruth (Morgenthau), “Single-Party Systems in West Africa,” American Political Science Review, LV (June 1961), 294–307CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for the case for the liberal and democratic potential of single-party states. For more realistic evaluations, see Kilson, Martin L., “Authoritarian and Single-Party Tendencies in African Politics,” World Politics, XV (January 1963), 262–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Zolberg, Aristide, “The African Mass-Party State in Perspective,” unpubl. paper prepared for Annual Meeting, APSA, September 1964.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ See Lloyd I. and Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber, “The Political Role of India's Caste Associations,” Pacific Affairs, XXXIII (March 1960), 5–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rudolph, Lloyd I., “The Modernity of Tradition: The Democratic Incarnation of Caste in India,” American Political Science Review, LIX (December 1965), 975–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Hudson, Michael C., “Pluralism, Power, and Democracy in Lebanon,” unpubl. paper prepared for Annual Meeting, APSA, September 1964.Google Scholar

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⁷⁹ Beloff, Max, The Age of Absolutism: 1660–1815 (London 1954), 168–69.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ See, e.g., Graubard, Stephen, ed., A New Europe? (Boston 1964)Google Scholar; Hoffmann, Stanley, “Europe's Identity Crisis: Between the Past and America,” Daedalus, XCIII (Fall 1964), 1249Google Scholar, 1252–53. On the role of the courts see Cole, Taylor, “Three Constitutional Courts: A Comparison,” American Political Science Review, LIII (December 1959), 963–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Dietze, Gottfried, “America and Europe—Decline and Emergence of Judicial Review,” Virginia Law Review, XLIV (December 1958), 1233–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar