Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-pjpqr Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-26T03:29:14.246Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

A targeted public: public services in fifteenth-century Ghent and Bruges

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 July 2010

JELLE HAEMERS
Affiliation:
Vakgroep Middeleeuwse Geschiedenis, Universiteit Gent, Blandijnberg 2, 9000 Gent, Belgium
WOUTER RYCKBOSCH
Affiliation:
Dept Geschiedenis, Universiteit Antwerpen, Stadscampus, S.R.A11, Rodestraat 14, 2000 Antwerpen, Belgium

Abstract:

Though the phrase ‘public services’ is a nineteenth-century invention, which was supported by a developed rhetoric of political economy, this article shows that the concept, practice and supply of such services could also be found in the medieval city. It specifically analyses three areas of urban service provision: jurisprudence and legal security, infrastructure and finally health care and poor relief. Although the available sources tend to stress the involvement of municipal authorities in providing public services, it turns out that in fact the furnishing of services was highly multi-layered. In all three areas studied, a wide range of public and private institutions offered services to specific groups within late medieval urban society. In contrast to what the notion of ‘public services’ lets us presume, however, public services in the medieval city were not available to all inhabitants. Instead, the provision of services was usually quite restrictive, and targeted particular groups in society.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2010

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Barron, C., London in the Later Middle Ages. Government and People, 1200–1500 (Oxford, 2004), 301CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Crouzet-Pavan, E., Les villes vivantes. Italie, XIIIe–XVe siècle (Paris, 2009), 131–59Google Scholar.

3 Smith, A., An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations (Edinburgh, 1776), ed. Krueger, A. (New York, 2003)Google Scholar, ch. 1 of book V. See also Skinner, A., The Market and the State. Essays in Honour of Adam Smith (Oxford, 1976)Google Scholar; Démier, F., ‘Economistes libéraux et “services publics” dans la France du premier XIXe siècle’, Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 52 (2005), 34–6Google Scholar.

4 Margairaz, D., ‘L'invention du “service public”: entre “changement matériel” et “contrainte de nommer”’, Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, 52 (2005), 15Google Scholar; Jourdan, P., ‘La formation du concept de service public’, Revue du droit public, 103 (1987), 89118Google Scholar.

5 See, for example, Colls, R. and Rodger, R. (eds.), Cities of Ideas: Civil Society and Urban Governance in Britain, 1800–2000 (Aldershot, 2004)Google Scholar; Dagenais, M., Maver, I. and Saunier, P.-Y. (eds.), Municipal Services and Employees in the Modern City: New Historic Approaches (Aldershot, 2003)Google Scholar; Kleinschmidt, C., ‘Services urbains en Allemagne: l’économie municipale d'approvisionnement entre industrialisation et reconversion’, Histoire, economie et société, 26 (2007), 101–10CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gunn, S., ‘Governance, citizenship, and municipal provision in the modern city’, Journal of Urban History, 33 (2007), 1006–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Chambat, P., ‘Service public et néolibéralisme’, Annales. Économies, sociétés, civilisations, 45 (1990), 615–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 Weintraub, J., ‘The theory and politics of the public/private distinction’, in idem and Kumar, K. (eds.), Public and Private in Thought and Practice. Perspectives on a Grand Dichotomy (Chicago, 1997), 142Google Scholar.

8 Howell, M. and Boone, M., ‘Becoming early modern in the late medieval Low Countries. Ghent and Douai from the fourteenth to the sixteenth century’, Urban History, 23 (1996), 300–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nicholas, D., The Metamorphosis of a Medieval City. Ghent in the Age of the Arteveldes, 1302–1390 (Lincoln, NB, 1987)Google Scholar.

9 Murray, J., Bruges, Cradle of Capitalism, 1280–1390 (Cambridge, 2005)Google Scholar; Bolton, J. and Bruscoli, F., ‘When did Antwerp replace Bruges as the commercial and financial centre of north-western Europe? The evidence of the Borromei ledger for 1438’, Economic History Review, 61 (2008), 360–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 Prevenier, W., ‘La démographie des villes du comté de Flandre aux XIVe et XVe siècles. État de la question. Essai d'interprétation’, Revue du Nord, 65 (1983), 255–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dumolyn, J., ‘Population et structures professionnelles à Bruges aux XIVe et XVe siècles’, Revue du Nord, 81 (1999), 4364CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Blockmans, W. and Prevenier, W., The Promised Lands: The Low Countries under Burgundian Rule, 1369–1530 (Philadelphia, 1999)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dumolyn, J. and Haemers, J., ‘Patterns of urban rebellion in medieval Flanders’, Journal of Medieval History, 31 (2005), 369–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 Infrastructure projects could sometimes have a serious impact on urban budgets. Between 1400 and 1405, the city of Bruges, for example, spent an average of 25.5 to 38.2% of its annual budget on public works, while Damme spent 49% in 1431–34; see Sosson, J.-P., ‘A propos des “travaux publics” de quelques villes de Flandre aux XIVe et XVe siècles: impact budgétaire, importance relative des investissements, technostructures, politiques économiques’, in Het openbaar initiatief van de gemeenten in België. Historische grondslagen (Ancien Régime) (Brussels, 1984), 381Google Scholar.

13 Boone, M., ‘Législation communale et ingérence princière: la “restriction” de Charles le Téméraire pour la ville de Gand (13 juillet 1468)’, in Cauchies, J.-M. and Bousmar, E. (eds.), ‘Faire bans, edictz et statuz’. Légiférer dans la ville médiévale. Sources, objets, acteurs de l'activité législative communale en Occident, ca. 1200–1500 (Brussels, 2001), 142–6Google Scholar.

14 Boone, M., Geld en macht. De Gentse stadsfinanciën en de Bourgondische staatsvorming, 1384–1453 (Ghent, 1990), 123–5Google Scholar; Ryckbosch, W., Tussen Gavere en Cadzand. De Gentse stadsfinanciën op het einde van de Middeleeuwen, 1460–1495 (Ghent, 2006), 127–32Google Scholar.

15 J. Decavele, ‘Bestuursinstellingen van de stad Gent (einde 11de eeuw–1795)’, and J. Mertens, ‘Bestuursinstellingen van de stad Brugge (1127–1795)’, in Prevenier, W. and Augustyn, B. (eds.), De gewestelijke en lokale overheidsinstellingen in Vlaanderen tot 1795 (Brussels, 1997), respectively 277–320, and 323–32Google Scholar.

16 Boone, M., ‘Droit de bourgeoisie et particularisme urbain dans la Flandre bourguignonne et habsbourgeoise (1384–1585)’, Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, 74 (1996), 707–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

17 See the studies of Hutton, S., ‘“On herself and all her property”: women's economic activities in late medieval Ghent’, Continuity and Change, 20 (2005), 325–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Nicholas, D., ‘The governance of fourteenth-century Ghent: the theory and practice of public administration’, in Bachrach, B. and Nicholas, D. (eds.), Law, Custom, and the Social Fabric in Medieval Europe (Kalamazoo, 1990), 235–60Google Scholar.

18 M. Boone, ‘Openbare diensten en initiatieven te Gent tijdens de Late Middeleeuwen (14de-15de eeuw)’, in Het openbaar initiatief, 78–80; Schouteet, A., De klerken van de vierschaar te Brugge met inventaris van hun protocollen bewaard op het Brugse Stadsarchief (Bruges, 1973)Google Scholar.

19 Gheldolf, A., Les coutumes de la ville de Gand (Brussels, 1868), 408–12Google Scholar; Decavele, ‘Bestuursinstellingen van de stad Gent’, 300; Mertens, ‘Bestuursinstellingen van de stad Brugge’, 325.

20 Van Hamme, H., ‘Stedelijk particularisme versus vorstelijke centralisatie en hun impact op de bestraffing van de criminaliteit in het vijftiende-eeuwse Gent (ca. 1419 – ca. 1480)’, Handelingen van de Maatschappij voor Geschiedenis en Oudheidkunde te Gent (HMGOG), 55 (2001), 135–78Google Scholar; Strubbe, E. and Schouteet, A., ‘Over het zoending te Brugge na 1542’, Handelingen van het Genootschap voor Geschiedenis ‘Société d'Emulation de Bruges’, 87 (1950), 592Google Scholar; Rousseaux, X., ‘Entre accomodement local et contrôle étatique. Pratiques judiciaires et non-judiciaires dans le règlement des conflits en Europe médiévale et moderne’, in Garnot, B. and Fry, R. (eds.), L'infrajudiciaire du Moyen Âge à l’époque contemporaine (Dijon, 1996), 95Google Scholar.

21 Buylaert, F., ‘Familiekwesties. De beheersing van vetes en private conflicten in de elite van het laatmiddeleeuwse Gent’, Stadsgeschiedenis, 2 (2007), 119Google Scholar.

22 Nicholas, D., ‘Crime and punishment in fourteenth-century Ghent’, Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, 48 (1970), 314Google Scholar.

23 Dumolyn and Haemers, ‘Patterns of urban rebellion’, 374–7.

24 Lardinois, Ph., ‘Symptomen van een middeleeuwse clan: de erfachtige lieden te Gent in de eerste helft van de 14de eeuw’, HMGOG, 31 (1977), 72–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nevejans, A., ‘Aldus staet in scepenen bouc. . .De registers van de Gentse schepenen van de Keure in de 14de eeuw’, HMGOG, 56 (2002), 5364Google Scholar. The viri did not exist in Bruges.

25 Lardinois, ‘Symptomen van een middeleeuwse clan’, 75–6.

26 Van Rompaey, J., Het grafelijk baljuwsambt in Vlaanderen tijdens de Boergondische periode (Brussels, 1967), 271–8Google Scholar.

27 Van Rompaey, J., ‘Het compositierecht in Vlaanderen van de veertiende tot de achttiende eeuw’, Revue d'histoire du droit, 29 (1961), 4379CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nicholas, ‘Crime and punishment’, 290; Van Caenegem, R., Geschiedenis van het strafprocesrecht in Vlaanderen van de XIe tot de XIVe eeuw (Brussels, 1956), 57–9Google Scholar.

28 Boone, M., ‘Les gens de métiers à l’époque corporative à Gand et les litiges professionels (1350–1450)’, in Boone, M. and Prak, M. (eds.), Individual, Corporate and Judicial Status in European Cities, Late Middle Ages and Early Modern Period (Leuven, 1996), 2347Google Scholar; Stabel, P., ‘Guilds in late medieval Flanders: myths and realities of guild life in an export-oriented environment’, Journal of Medieval History, 30 (2004), 187212CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

29 Vleeschouwers-Van Melkebeek, M., ‘Marital breakdown before the consistory courts of Brussels, Cambrai, and Tournai: judicial separation a mensa et thoro’, Revue d'histoire du droit, 72 (2004), 81–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

30 Vleeschouwers-Van Melkebeek, M., ‘L'officialité de Tournai aux prises avec les juridictions séculières au XVe siècle: un lent effritement’, in Maillard-Luypaert, M. and Cauchies, J.-M. (eds.), De Pise à Trente: la réforme de l’Église en gestation. Regards croisés entre Escaut et Meuse (Brussels, 2004), 231–54Google Scholar.

31 Gilliodts-Van Severen, L., Coutume de la prevote de Bruges (Brussels, 1878), vol. I, 1Google Scholar.

32 Furthermore, we did not even include notaries, or the Bruges procedure of ‘arbitration’ (arbitrage). ‘Arbitration’ happened when an intermediary specialist in trade law judged disputes between merchants. Flemish notaries were the primary intermediaries between church courts and laymen, but ‘they did not succeed in becoming anymore than that’, according to Murray, J., ‘Failure of corporation: notaries public in medieval Bruges’, Journal of Medieval History, 12 (1986), 164CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Callewier, H., ‘Brugge, 15de-eeuwse centrum van het notariaat in de Nederlanden’, Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis, 67 (2009), 74102Google Scholar.

33 Boone, Geld en macht, table 16; Ryckbosch, Tussen Gavere en Cadzand, 326.

34 Sosson, J.-P., Les travaux publics de la ville de Bruges (XIVe–XVe siècles). Les travaux. Les hommes (Brussels, 1977)Google Scholar, graph 22.

35 Dambruyne, J., ‘Corporative capital and social representation in the Southern and Northern Netherlands, 1500–1800’, in Prak, M. et al. (eds.), Craft Guilds in the Early Modern Low Countries. Work, Power and Representation (Aldershot, 2006), 195–7Google Scholar.

36 De Jonge, K., ‘Bourgondische residenties in het graafschap Vlaanderen. Rijsel, Brugge en Gent ten tijde van Filips de Goede’, HMGOG, 54 (2000), 93134CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

37 Boone, Geld en macht, 107–8.

38 Barron, London in the Late Middle Ages, 50–1.

39 Stabel, P., ‘From the market to the shop. Retail and urban space in late medieval Bruges’, in Blondé, B. et al. (eds.), Buyers and Sellers. Retail Circuits and Practices in Medieval and Early Modern Europe (Turnhout, 2006), 79108CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

40 Masschaele, J., ‘The public space of the marketplace in medieval England’, Speculum, 77 (2002), 383421CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Laleman, M.C., ‘Espaces publiques dans les villes flamandes au Moyen Âge: l'apport de l'archéologie urbaine’, in Boone, M. and Stabel, P. (eds.), Shaping Urban Identity in Late Medieval Europe (Leuven, 2000), 2541Google Scholar; Lecuppre-Desjardin, E., ‘Multipolarité et multifonctionnalité des places publiques dans les villes des anciens Pays-Bas bourguignons: évolution d'une géographie identitaire (XIVe–XVIe siècles)’, in Baudoux-Rousseau, L., Carbonnier, Y. and Bragard, P. (eds.), La place publique urbaine du Moyen Âge à nos jours (Arras, 2007), 4552Google Scholar; Boone, M. and Porfyriou, H., ‘Markets, squares, streets: urban space, a tool for cultural exchange’, in Calabi, D. and Christensen, S. (eds.), Cultural Exchange in Early Modern Europe, vol. II: Cities and Cultural Exchange in Europe, 1400–1700 (Cambridge, 2007), 227–53Google Scholar.

41 Stabel, P., ‘Public or private, collective or individual? The spaces of late medieval trade in the Low Countries’, in Calabi, D. and Beltramo, S. (eds.), Il mercante patrizio. Palazzi e botteghe nell'Europa del Rinascimento (Turin, 2008), 43–8Google Scholar.

42 Haemers, J., For the Common Good. State Power and Urban Revolts in the Reign of Mary of Burgundy, 1477–1482 (Turnhout, 2009), 203–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ryckbosch, Tussen Gavere en Cadzand, 94–6.

43 Janssens, A., ‘Het Brugse belfort. Wisselend uitzicht tussen omstreeks 1480 en 1503’, Brugs Ommeland, 44 (2004), 6784Google Scholar; Haemers, J. and Lecuppre-Desjardin, E., ‘Conquérir et reconquérir l'espace urbain. Le triomphe de la collectivité sur l'individu dans le cadre de la révolte brugeoise de 1488’, in Deligne, C. and Billen, C. (eds.), Voisinages, coexistences, appropriations. Groupes sociaux et territoires urbains du Moyen Âge au 16e siècle (Turnhout, 2007), 119–43CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

44 Arnade, P., ‘Crowds, banners and the market place: symbols of defiance and defeat during the Ghent War of 1452–1453’, Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 24 (1994), 471–97Google Scholar; Boone, M., ‘Urban space and political conflict in late medieval Flanders’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 32 (2002), 621–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar0.

45 Sosson, ‘A propos des “travaux publics”’, 388; Boone, Geld en macht, 103–8.

46 Haemers, J., De Gentse opstand (1449–1453). De strijd tussen rivaliserende netwerken om het stedelijke kapitaal (Kortrijk, 2004), 211–12Google Scholar; Janssens, A., ‘Macht en onmacht van de Brugse schepenbank in de periode 1477–1490’, Handelingen van het Genootschap voor Geschiedenis ‘Société d'Emulation de Bruges’, 133 (1996), 545Google Scholar.

47 Lecuppre-Desjardin, E., ‘Des pouvoirs inscrits dans la pierre? Essai sur l’édilité urbaine dans les anciens Pays-Bas bourguignons’, Memini. Travaux et documents publiés par la Société des études médiévales du Québec, 7 (2003), 29Google Scholar.

48 Bourdieu, P., Language and Symbolic Power (Cambridge, 1991), 167–9Google Scholar.

49 Mollat, M., Les pauvres au Moyen Âge. Étude sociale (Paris, 1978)Google Scholar; Geremek, B., Poverty: A History (Oxford, 1994)Google Scholar; Lis, C. and Soly, H., Poverty and Capitalism in Pre-Industrial Europe (London, 1979)Google Scholar.

50 Blockmans, W. and Prevenier, W., ‘Armoede in de Nederlanden van de 14e tot het midden van de 16e eeuw: bronnen en problemen’, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis, 88 (1975), 573–4Google Scholar.

51 For example the hospital of Ann, St, founded by the abbey of St Bavo in Ghent (Acht eeuwen Gentse ziekenhuizen (Ghent, 1993), 35)Google Scholar.

52 Simons, W., Cities of Ladies: Beguine Communities in the Medieval Low Countries, 1200–1565 (Philadelphia, 2003), 77Google Scholar; Nübel, O., Mittelalterliche Beginen- und Sozialsiedlungen in den Niederlanden. Ein Beitrag zur Vorgeschichte der Fuggerei (Tübingen, 1970), 173–80Google Scholar.

53 Prevenier, W., ‘En marge de l'assistance aux pauvres: l'aumonerie des comtes de Flandres et des ducs de Bourgogne (13e – début 16e siècle)’, in Recht en instellingen in de Oude Nederlanden tijdens de Middeleeuwen en de Nieuwe Tijden. Liber amicorum Jan Buntinx (Leuven, 1981), 97138Google Scholar.

54 Tits-Dieuaide, M.-J., ‘Les tables des pauvres dans les anciennes principautés belges au Moyen Âge’, Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis, 88 (1975), 562–83Google Scholar; Blockmans and Prevenier, ‘Armoede in de Nederlanden’, 524–32. For Bruges: Van Zeir, P., ‘De inrichting van de Armendissen van de oude Brugse stadsparochies voor 1526’, Annales de la Société d'Emulation de Bruges, 97 (1960), 104–53Google Scholar; and Galvin, M., ‘Credit and parochial charity in fifteenth-century Bruges’, Journal of Medieval History, 28 (2002), 131–54CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For Ghent: Nicholas, The Metamorphosis, 41–58; De Messemaeker-De Wilde, G., ‘De parochiale armenzorg te Gent in de late Middeleeuwen’, Annales de la Société belge d'histoire des hopitaux, 18 (1980), 4758Google Scholar.

55 G. Maréchal, ‘Het openbaar initiatief van de gemeenten in het vlak van de openbare onderstand in het noorden van het land tijdens het Ancien Régime’, in Het openbaar initiatief, 298–9.

56 Galvin, ‘Credit and parochial charity’, 132. In Louvain (Brabant) only welghebornen (‘well-born inhabitants’) benefited from the distribution of goods by the tables (Maréchal, ‘Het openbaar initiatief’, 514).

57 Galvin, ‘Credit and parochial charity’, 151–2.

58 Anderson, M., Family Structure in Nineteenth-Century Lancashire (Cambridge, 1971), 136Google Scholar.

59 For Ghent: Boone, M., Gent en de Bourgondische hertogen ca. 1384 – ca. 1453: een sociaal-politieke studie van een staatsvormingsproces (Brussels, 1990), 98102Google Scholar; for Bruges: Haemers, For the Common Good, 185–7.

60 S. Bos, ‘A tradition of giving and receiving: mutual aid within the guild system’, in Prak et al. (eds.), Craft Guilds, 174–93; for Bruges: Huys, E., Duizend jaar mutualiteit bij de Vlaamsche Gilden (Kortrijk, 1926)Google Scholar; for Ghent: De Vocht, A.-M., ‘Het Gentse antwoord op de armoede: de sociale instellingen van wevers en volders te Gent in de late Middeleeuwen’, Annales de la Société belge d'histoire des hôpitaux, 19 (1981), 332Google Scholar.

61 See for example Huys, Duizend jaar mutualiteit, 162–4; Maréchal, G., ‘Armen en ziekenzorg in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden’, in Algemene Geschiedenis der Nederlanden (Haarlem, 1982), 277Google Scholar.

62 De Vocht, ‘Het Gentse antwoord’, 15–16.

63 Huys, Duizend jaar mutualiteit, 147.

64 De Vocht, ‘Het Gentse antwoord’, 15; Smith, J., Through the Eye of the Needle: Charity and Charitable Institutions in Medieval Ghent, 1150–1400 (Philadelphia, 1976), 43Google Scholar; Huyttens, J., Recherches sur les corporations gantoises, notamment sur celles des tisserands et des foulons, leur organisation civile, religieuse, militaire et commerciale (Ghent, 1861), 99102Google Scholar; Maréchal, G., De sociale en politieke gebondenheid van het Brugse hospitaalwezen in de Middeleeuwen (Kortrijk, 1978), 293–4Google Scholar; Van Zeir, P., ‘De armenzorg te Brugge’, Biekorf, 61 (1960), 367–8Google Scholar; C. Lis and H. Soly, ‘Craft guilds in comparative perspective: the Northern and Southern Netherlands, a survey’, in Prak et al. (eds.), Craft Guilds, 22–3.

65 Stabel, ‘Guilds in late medieval Flanders’, 187–8.

66 Boone, Gent en de Bourgondische hertogen, 149–51; Haemers, J., ‘Alijn (Simon)’, Nationaal Biografisch Woordenboek, 18 (2007), 811Google Scholar; Elaut, L., Het leven van de Gentse ziekenhuizen vanaf hun ontstaan tot op heden (Ghent, 1976)Google Scholar.

67 Maréchal, De sociale en politieke gebondenheid, 292–3, 304–5.

68 Mollat, Les pauvres au Moyen Âge, 316–28.

69 Maréchal, De sociale en politieke gebondenheid, 295–8.

70 Boone, Gent en de Bourgondische hertogen, 140–50.

71 Ibid., 143–4; Maréchal, De sociale en politieke gebondenheid, 41, 52.

72 Fris, V. (ed.), ‘La restriction de Gand (13 juillet 1468)’, Bulletijn der maatschappij van geschied- en oudheidkunde te Gent, 31 (1923), 81Google Scholar; Ryckbosch, Tussen Gavere en Cadzand, 60–91.

73 By ‘moral economy’ we point to the social norm which predicates that rulers have to shape necessary conditions for food supply in the city (Thompson, E.P., ‘The moral economy of the English crowd in the eighteenth century’, Past and Present, 51 (1971), 76136CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

74 See, for example, the charity of Ghent rebel leaders of 1452 who distributed goods among their followers (Haemers, De Gentse opstand, 256–7, 361–2).

75 Prak, M., ‘The carrot and the stick: social control and poor relief in the Dutch Republic, sixteenth to eighteenth centuries’, in Schilling, H. (ed.), Institutionen, Instrumente und Akteure sozialer Kontrolle und Disziplinierung im frühneuzeitlichen Europa (Frankfurt, 1999), 149–66Google Scholar.

76 The habit of the governors of the ‘Sint-Jacobshuis’ in Ghent (a house for pilgrims) of selecting poor for a meal on holidays by distributing lead signs in the Fishmarket, indicates that a certain social selection in poor relief existed (Meersseman, S., ‘Het “Sente Jacopshuus up Nieuwland” te Gent. Godshuis of politiek instelling? (ca. 1257–1540)’, HMGOG, 45 (1991), 10CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

77 Although we agree with Steven Epstein that Sheilagh Ogilvie simplifies the role of the craft guilds and economic institutions in the history of medieval economy, we were inspired by her worries about the tendency to explain institutions as an efficient and beneficial response to historical needs. For ‘public services’ in the medieval city did not arise and survive because they made urban government more efficient, they were set up for the aforementioned goals. See Ogilvie, S., ‘“Whatever is, is right”? Economic institutions in pre-industrial Europe’, Economic History Review, 60 (2007), 649–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and the reply of Epstein, S., ‘Craft guilds in the pre-modern economy: a discussion’, Economic History Review, 61 (2008), 155–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.