^{Page 225 note 1} Neuhaus, J. C., Der Friede von Ryswick und die Abtretung Strasbourg an Frankreich (Freiburg in Breisgau, 1873)Google Scholar, as its title indicates, is concerned almost exclusively with what went on at Ryswick with reference to the Rhine frontier. It is obviously now out of date, and is but slightly concerned with the Dutch phase, and with the English aspects of it scarcely at all. Gaedeke, A., Die Politik Oesterreichs in der Spanischen Erbfolgefrage (Leipsic, 1877)Google Scholar, deals only incidentally with the negotiations at Ryswick, although he does print some valuable documents bearing on them. Little attention is paid to the Anglo-Dutch affairs, in any case, and the abundance of material that has become available in the last quarter century. Klopp's, OnnoDer Fall des Hauses Stuart ( Wien, 1879)Google Scholarcontains an excellent account from the dispatches of the Imperial and Brandenburg archives, but it makes little use of the Dutch or French archives. On the other hand, Legrelle's, A.La Diplomatie française et la succession d'Espagne ( Paris, 1888–1892; 2nd ed., Braine-le-Comte, 1895–1899)Google Scholaris based very largely upon French archives. The best account (and latest) of the treaty from the Anglo-Dutch aspect is that of Koch, G., Die Friedensbestrebungen Wilhelms III von den England in den Jahren 1694–7 (Tubingen und Leipsic, 1903)Google Scholar, although it is only an outline of what might have been a definitive work by this young scholar, had death but spared him a few more years. Even this excellent fragment is mainly concerned with the recognition of William III, rather than the questions of commerce and colonies, although Dr. Koch ranged far and wide in European archives for his materials. For a brief discussion of the colonial aspects of the treaty and an exhaustive bibliography, see Davenport, Frances G., European Treaties bearing on the History of the United States (Washington, 1929), II, 350–60Google Scholar. In addition should be mentioned de Grovestins, Sirtima, Guillaume et Louis XIV, Historie des luttes et rivalites politiques (Paris, 1868)Google Scholar.

^{Page 227 note 1} History of France (Boston, 1865), II, 167Google Scholar; van der Heim, H. J., ed., Het Archief van Raadpensionaris Antonie Heinsius ('S Gravenhage, 1867–1880), III, 6–45Google Scholarpassim (cited below as Heim); Portland MSS. (Hist. MSS. Com. Reports), III, 515; Legrelle, A., Notes et documents sur la paix de Ryswick (Lille, 1894), pp. 7–26Google Scholar, passim; Burnet, G., History of Our Own Time (Oxford, 1833), IV, 214–17Google Scholar. See also Correspondence Politique (Archives des Affaires Etrangères): Rome, 341, f. 126 (cited hereafter as C.P.).

^{Page 227 note 2} C.P., Hollande, 158, f. 184; 394; 160, ff. 20–6; Receuil, Hollande, I, 380, 414; Heim, , op. cit., III, 7–72Google Scholarpassim. Louis XIV felt that there were no difficulties in the way of an accommodation between him and the English. “Qu'elle n'a d'ailleurs rien a demeler avec les Anglais, en sorte que le seul retablissement du commerce de Part et d'autre etla restitution de ce qu'ils ont occupé dans les iles et continent de l'Amerique peut fair la paix.” , C. P., Hollande, 158, ff. 260–8Google Scholar.

^{Page 228 note 1} Heim, , op. cit., III, 49–59, 90–2, 129Google Scholar; Legrelle, , Notes et documents, p. 44Google Scholar. Receuil, Hollande, I, 442–71.

^{Page 228 note 2} , C.P. Hollande, 159 ff. 209–90, passim, 364Google Scholar; 160, ff. 213, 218, 347; Heim, , op. cit., III, 46–129passimGoogle Scholar; Bath MSS., III, 42; Legrelle, , Notes et documents, pp. 45–8Google Scholar; Correspondent van Willem III en van Hans Willem Bentinck (ed., Japikse, N., 'S Gravenhage, 1927)Google Scholar; Burnet, , op. cit., IV, 231Google Scholar. Prior did not doubt the sincerity of the French. Bath MSS., III, 17. Robert Harley reported in the summer: “All talk now of peace and that the King will not fight.” Portland MSS. (H.M.C.), III, 552.

^{Page 229 note 1} Copies of intercepted letter from Avaux to Louis XIV are found in Heim, , op. cit., III, 46, 63, 103Google Scholar. See also one from Callières to Mollo and those exchanged by William III and Heinsius with the minister-resident of Hesse-Cassel, ibid., III, 82, 113 passim.

^{Page 229 note 2} Heim, , op. cit., III, 122, 137, 140, 144Google Scholar; , C.P., Hollande, 161, f. 1Google Scholar; 160, passim (folios unnumbered); Heinsius Papers (Rijksarchief, Den Haag), IOB; de Quincy, [Charles Sevin], Histoire Militaire du Regne de Louis le Grand (Paris, 1726), III, 194Google Scholar.

^{Page 229 note 3} The Imperial and Spanish plenipotentiaries agreed to insist upon the recognition of William, IIILexington Papers, pp. 79, 133Google Scholar; Heim, . op. cit., 133, 141–4Google Scholar.

^{Page 230 note 1} Additional Instruction for Callières, July 25/August 4; Callières, to Croissy, July 10/30; , C.P., Hollande, 161, ff. 100–11, 162, 180, 253Google Scholar; Receuil, Hollande, I, 472–3, 480; Legrelle, , Notes et documents, pp. 48–52Google Scholar.

^{Page 230 note 2} Japikse, , op. cit., I, 270–4Google Scholar; , C. P., Hollande, 161, ff. 236–337Google Scholarpassim; Downshire MSS., I, 544; Lexington Papers, I, 99, 104, 135; House of Lords MSS., 1695–7, No. 959; Buccleuch, MSS. (H.M.C.), II, 191–213; Heim, , op. cit., III, 173Google Scholar; Coxe, W., Correspondence of… Shrewsbury (London, 1821), p. 266Google Scholar; Burnet, , op. cit., IV, 269Google Scholar. A Paris News Letter said, “I am assured that at the commencement of the siege, M. de Callières had almost succeeded in concluding a peace, but the detention of the garrisons of Dixmude and Deysne [by the French], the bombardment of Brussels, and the dispute concerning the wounded at Namur, have carried so much bitterness of feeling that it now appears more distant than ever.” Lexington Papers, I, p. 125.

^{Page 231 page 1} Macpherson, J., ed., Original Papers (London, 1775), I, 538Google Scholar; Capefigue, , op. cit., I, 470Google Scholar; State Papers, Foreign (Public Record Office), 77/57, f. 6.

^{Page 232 note 1} , C.P., Hollande, 163, ff. 1–119, passimGoogle Scholar; Mémoires et documents, fonds France, 435, ff. 83–95; Add. MSS. 28941; Lexington Papers, p. 204; Mahon, Lord [Stanhope], Spain under Charles II (2nd ed., London, 1844) p. 93Google Scholar; Receuil, Hollande, I, 477. See also Add. MSS. 34504, ff. 215–25, and the letters of Boreel to the Pensionary, Hensius Papers, 13B.

^{Page 232 note 2} Archives de la Marine, Serie B. 7/531; , C.P., Hollande, 163, ff. 119–44, passim.Google Scholar; S.P., 77/57, f. 63; 81–87, f. 224; 105/56, f. 31; Lansdowne MSS. (Brit. Mus.), 1153E, f. 22; Coxe, , op. cit., pp. 126, 297Google Scholar; For the provisions of the treaty with Savoy, see Marine, B. 7/531; Vest, H., Les Grands Traités du Regne de Louis XIV (Paris, 1893), PP. 171–89Google Scholar. See also Buccleuch MSS., II, 353–5, 359, 366; Add. MSS. 28941; Petit fonds français (Bibliothèque Nationale), 24983, f.7.

^{Page 233 note 1} Coxe, , op. cit., pp. 126–9Google Scholar. See also Resolutions of the States-General, August 24/September 3, , C.P., Hollande, 162Google Scholar; 163, ff. 254, 342; Add. MSS. 34504, ff. 223–6; Buccleuch MSS., II, 355; Receuil, Hollande, I, 478; Lexington Papers, p. 209. L'Hermitage, Dutch secretary in London, to Heinsius, July 17/27, Heinsius Papers (Rijksarchief), 11B.

^{Page 232 note 2} Buccleuch MSS., II, 349; A little later Hill could see no way “to subsist our army to the end of the Campaign.” Ibid., II, 364.

^{Page 232 note 3} Japikse, , op. cit., I, 179Google Scholar, 184; Add. MSS., 34514, f. 87; Bath MSS., III, 81; , C.P., Hollande, 163, ff. 218–23, 304Google Scholar. Hill pessimistically summarized the situation: “I think it impossible for the King's own army to subsist there till another campaign; the Hollanders will not lend us a stiver; and the king is going to pawn his jewels for about 300,000 florins, and Schuylenbourg (Secretary of the king's council) will help us with 100,000 more, which is altogether fourteen days’ subsistence, after which we must depend entirely upon Providence, and my Lord Godolphin.” Buccleuch MSS., II, 373. See also S.P., 105/56, f. 45; S.P., 87/1, f. 330. Shrewsbury confessed that he was discouraged “from the ruyne of all creditt, and the scarcity of money, the deficiency in the supply for restoring the coin and other anticipations.” Heim, , op. cit., II, 226Google Scholar.

^{Page 234 note 1} “Observations,” June 22/July 2, Downshire MSS., I, 674. The English envoy to Spain felt that England and Holland must have peace, by which they would recover their great trade, “ as soon as the French, who if we may credit common fame, or judge by their present sueing, are at this time much lower than we are.” Mahon, , op. cit., p. 95Google Scholar. For the misery in France, see Downshire MSS., I, 642.

^{Page 234 note 2} S.P., 94/74, f. 95; Hastings MSS. (H.M.C.), II, 288.

^{Page 234 note 3} S.P., 105/56, f. 53; Add. MSS. 28898, f. 402; Marine B. 2/117, f. 646; Petitfondsfrançais, 24983, ff.21, 25; Buccleuch MSS., II, 382, 403; Portland MSS., III, 528, 578. One writer noted that Louis XIV “stinks above ground,” another that he would “not hold out this winter,” S.P., 87/1.

^{Page 235 note 1} Add. MSS. 28898, f. 378; 34505, f. 1; Add. MSS. 28921, f. 102; Coxe, , op. cit., p. 331Google Scholar; Bath MSS., III, 88; , C.P., Hollande, 164Google Scholar; Petit fonds français, 24983, ff. 31–46; S.P., 87/1; 105/56; f. 55; Calendar of State Papers, Colonial: America and the West Indies, 1696–7, pp. 134–5; L'Hermitage to Heinsius, October 6/16, 13/23, Hensius Papers, 11B. An intercepted dispatch found in King William's Chest from the Danish ambassador in Paris, noted that Callières and the Dutch had already started “à régler les partes d'un traitté de commerce entre la France et la Hollande, le quil mesure estsit desja fort advancé.” S.P., 8/16, No. 77. Some weeks later Callières suggested to the Dutch that they should settle their commercial difficulties without the mediator. Legrelle, , La Diplomatic (2nd ed.), I, 473Google Scholar. See also Coxe, , op. cit., p. 331Google Scholar. Lansdowne MSS., 1153E, f. 4.

^{Page 236 note 1} Cobbett, , Parliamentary History (London, 1810), V, 995Google Scholar. See also C.P., Angleterre, 173, f. 132Google Scholar; S.P., 8/16, No. 70; S.P., 94/74, f. 106; , C.P., Hollande, 164, ff. 1, 28Google Scholar. The English secretaries of State had difficulty in finding any data on Anglo-French relations in America except the treaty of neutrality of 1686. S.P., 104/69, f. 62; Buccleuch MSS., II, 398; Add. MSS. 28898, f. 378.

^{Page 236 note 2} Coxe, , op. cit., p. 155Google Scholar. Petit fonds français, 24983, f. 78; S.P., 105/56, f. 80.

^{Page 236 note 3} Buccleuch MSS., II, 415. See also Add. MSS. 34505, f. 3; S.P., 105/56, f. 114. Louis XIV believed that last year's deficit indicated that England was impoverished. S.P., 8/16, Nos. 102–3.

^{Page 236 note 4} S.P., 105/56, f. 83. L'Hermitage to Heinsius, October 13/23, 23/ November 3, November 3/13, Heinsius Papers 11B. L'Hermitage paid a tribute to the steadfastness of the merchants in insisting upon a continuation of the war.

^{Page 237 note 1} Add. MSS. 34505, f. 5. See also S.P., 105/56, f. 92; 94/74, f. 15.

^{Page 237 note 2} Stepney to Trumbull, November 17/27, S.P., 87/1. See also S.P., 105/56, f. 102; S.P. 8/16, No. 90; Heim, , op. cit., 1ll, 216Google Scholar; Buccleuch MSS., II, 419; , C.P., Hollande, 164, f. 229Google Scholar.

^{Page 237 note 3} Add. MSS. 34505, f. 13. “Sir, the people of England do amuse them-selves if they think to make war only by votes and resolutions to restore credit.” Hill to Vernon, S.P., 77/57, f. 140.

^{Page 238 note 1} , C.P., Hollande, 164, f. 404Google Scholar; Petit fonds français, 24983, f. 136. There was also a fear that Austria might be treating separately with France. This rumour received more credence from William III than it would other-wise have received because Austria was making no preparations upon the Rhine, although France was massing troops there. Add. MSS. 34505, f. 18; Bucdeuch MSS., II, 430.

^{Page 238 note 2} Add MSS. 34505, f. 16. See also , C.P., Hollande, 165, f. 196Google Scholar.

^{Page 238 note 3} James, G. P. R., editor, Letters Illustrative of the Reign of William III (London, 1841), I, 135Google Scholar; Petit fonds français, 24983, f. 147; Hastings MSS., II, 271.

^{Page 239 note 1} Add MSS. 9719, f. 112; S.P., 8/16, No. 145; Downshire MSS., I, 726; C.C., 1696–7, pp. 299. The Board of Trade was particularly concerned with the Hudson's Bay area. Stepney hoped to be appointed one of the special commissioners to confer with similar French representatives. S.P., 105/56, f. 134; Colonial Office (P.R.O.), 388/6. For an interesting project for the establishment of direct trade between France and Spanish America via Buenos Ayres, see Marine B. 7/221. It included a suggestion that if 6,000 troops were ready at Charles II's death, they could capture all Spanish America. A second stressed the importance of Pondicherry. A third one on commerce and colonies, found in Marine B. 2/121 (f. 132), was a memorial sent to the French plenipotentiaries. See also , C.P., Hollande, 166, f. 120Google Scholar.

^{Page 240 note 1} C.C., 1696–7, No. 947; CO., 388/6; Add. MSS. 34505, f. 23. See also S.P., 8/16, Nos. 118, 130; Marine B. 7/498, ff. 350, 447; Callières to Louis XIV, January 10/20; Louis XIV to Callieres, January 18/28, , C.P., Hollande, 165Google Scholar. The French felt that they could settle the outstanding Anglo-French colonial difficulties “en moins de deux heures.”

^{Page 240 note 2} , C.P., Hollande, 165, ff. 215, 248, 261Google Scholar; 166, ff. 68, 74, 112, 131; 172, f. 34; Add. MSS. 34505, f. 24; S.P., Foreign: Treaty Papers, 95; S.P., 105/56. The necessity of co-operating in sending a squadron to relieve Barcelona was another fancied grievance of the Dutch. S.P., 104/69, f. 77.

^{Page 241 note 1} Bath MSS., III, 103. Buccleuch MSS., II, 447–451; , C.P., Hollande, 165, ff. 261, 272, 333Google Scholar; 166, f. 74; S.P., 92/26; Add. MSS. 34505, ff. 27–28; Receuil, Hollande, I, 528.

^{Page 241 note 2} , C.P., Hollande, 166, f. 30Google Scholar; 172, ff. 12–58. See also Ibid., 165, ff. 240; 167, ff. 58–167, passim; S.P., 8/16, Nos. 117A, 124, 164; Add. MSS. 34505, ff. 34, 40. Daguerre, who went upon a mission to the Hague, learned that English people were very desirous of peace on account of the insufferable burden of taxation, Marine B. 7/221 (Cipher).

^{Page 241 note 3} Lexington Papers, p. 252. See also Calendar of State Papers: Domestic, 1697, p. 57; Prior to Vernon, March 16/26, S.P., 84/223. Prior heard a rumour that the Spanish treasure fleet had arrived in safety, “so we hope and fear in perfection.”

^{Page 242 note 1} March 18/28, S.P., 92/26. He justly feared lest the army disintegrate for lack of money. Bucdeuch MSS., II, 454.

^{Page 242 note 2} Add. MSS. 34505, ff. 31–3; , C.P., Hollande, 166, f. 56Google Scholar. William believed Catalonia was already neutralized.

^{Page 242 note 3} , C.P., Hollande, 166, ff. 149, 216, 226; Daguerre to Pontchartrain, April 1/11, Marine B. 7/221; Prior to [Vernon?], April 1/11, S.P., 84/223. Boreel suggested reciprocal rights of fishing for whale and herring, but thanks to Bart's exploits against Dutch fisheries, France paid little attention to it. Marine B. 2/125, f. 143Google Scholar.

^{Page 244 note 1} Marine B., 4/18, f. 242; , C.P., Hollande, 174, f. 16Google Scholar; Morgan, W. T., “The Expedition of Baron de Pointis against Cartagena,” American Historical Review, 01, 1932Google Scholar; Camden Soc. Pubs. (N.S.), XV, 187.

^{Page 244 note 2} , C.P., Hollande, 167, f. 154; 174, ff. 22–4; Portland MSS., III, 583; Downshire MSS., I, 743Google Scholar.

^{Page 244 note 3} , C.P., Hollande, 174, fi. 32, 50Google Scholar; Buccleuch MSS., II, 470. A Hollander wrote Heinsius that the continuation of the war in the manner “que nous faisons, nous ruynira sans resource.” Heim, , op. cit., II, 150Google Scholar. Daguerre reported English Bank stock at 21 per cent, discount. , C.P., Hollande, 174, f. 20Google Scholar. John Ellis, under-secretary of state, felt that if Louis offered peace to Spain and the Empire, England would be much inclined to take it “upon almost any terms.” CD., 1697, p. 166.

^{Page 244 note 4} Memoranda: Archives des Colonies (Paris), Serie C/11, E/9, ff. 58–203; Memoires for Tallard and Phelypeaux, Marine B. 7/221. See also , C.P., Hollande, 167, ff. 212–7Google Scholar; Add. MSS. 34505, ff. 37–43; S.P., 104/69, f. 82; English plenipotentiaries to Trumbull, May 25/June 4, S.P., 84/223; Marine B. 2/121, ff. 122, 128, 171. French colonial interests, however, extended beyond North America, especially to the Caribbean area, and even to the East Indies, f. 291.

^{Page 245 note 1} , C.P., Hollande, 165, f. 183Google Scholar; 167, ff. 25, 194, 223, 275, 295; 168, ff. 16, 67; Daguerre to [Pontchartrain], June 24/July 4, July 9/19, Marine B., 7/221. See also Marine B., 2/121, f. 204.

^{Page 245 note 2} S.P., 82/19, f. 81; Daguerre to [Pontchartrain], June 7/17, July 1/11, Marine B. 7/221; Portledge Papers, p. 261; Lansdowne MSS., 1153E, fi. 51, 54; James, , op. tit., I, 306Google Scholar. Avaux felt that the fall of Barcelona would force the Allies to a peace. A Dutch friend of William thought it would cost the Allies Luxembourg. Wijnne, , Les Negotiations a'Avaux (Utrecht, 1882), II, 198Google Scholar; Heim, , op. cit., II, 151Google Scholar.

^{Page 246 note 1} , C.P., Hollande, 174, ff. 59–66Google Scholar; Williamson's letters of June 15/25, July 5/15, 6/16; S.P., 84/223; Japikse, , op. cit., II, 445Google Scholar; S.P., 82/19, f. 77; Williamson “Journal,” June 30/July 10, S.P., 103/95; Bath MSS. III, 130–1. Daguerre even suggested that such economic disorder might bring on a revolution, at least in Amsterdam, if peace did not come quickly. He reported the republicans there as saying that William did not desire peace, and if he could secure control of the treasure from the galleons he would continue the war. June 21/July 1, Marine B. 7/221.

^{Page 246 note 2} Add. MSS. 28898, f. 267; CD., 1697, p. 207; Brongniart, H., Les Carsaires et la guerre maritime (Paris, 1904), p. 52Google Scholar.

^{Page 246 note 3} , C.P., Hollande, 174, ff. 36, 45Google Scholar; Downshire MSS., I, 749. Louis wrote his plenipotentiaries: “J'aprens également de tous côtés qu'il est également impossible á l'Angleterre et aux Provinces Unies de soustenir plus longtemps les despenses de la guerre.” , C.P., Hollande, 167, f. 33Google Scholar.

^{Page 247 note 1} Add. MSS. 34505, f. 34; 22031, f. 1. , C.P., Hollande, 168, f. 16Google Scholar; 174, f. 67; Buccleuch MSS., II, 459. Vernon reported a rumour that William would get “a great supply of money from Holland, and that Amsterdam will furnish him five million guilders on the credit of our parliamentary funds at 5 per cent. I wish it were true on many accounts.” James, , op. cit., I, 283Google Scholar. “Le Prince d'Orange témoigne vouloir la paix parce qu'il en a besoin et que l'Angleterre et la Hollande la demandent et ne sont plus disposees a luy fournir toutes les sommes qui lui sont necessaires pour continuer la guerre.” Plenipotentiaries to Louis XIV, , C.P., Hollande, 168, f. 42Google Scholar. At the same time the Lords of the Treasury in England found it difficult to get even £10,000 for the Victuallers. Ibid., P. 295.

^{Page 247 note 2} Archives Historique (Depot de la Guerre), 1402, f. 74; , C.P., Hollande, 167, f. 322Google Scholar; 172, f. 183; Prior to Vernon, June 22/July 2, S.P., 84/223; S.P., Foreign Archives, 257, f. 61; Downshire MSS., I, 750; Grimblot, P., Letters of William III, Louis XIV and their Ministers… 1697 to 1700 (London, 1848), I, 8Google Scholar.

^{Page 247 note 3} Meetings of the “Foraigne Committee” (Cabinet Council) January 5/15, February 14/24, S.P., 103/95. They felt that the Hudson's Bay question was the only urgent one. The changes in what seems to be the final draft from that of an earlier one are indicated by italics and are significant in that they stress the importance of commerce, restitution of colonies, and particularly compensations for French depredations in Hudson's Bay. “3 But y^t w^ch principally imports us w^th relacon to ye French is to have a fair and equall regulation of trade by a mutual treaty of commerce and navigation, w^ch is a thing we found could never be obtained from ye French during ye late reignes, notwithstanding ye most intimate and close termes of Allyance ye two crowns otherwise stood united in. This, therefore, must be chiefly taken care of as being indeed ye great point in which our subjects are concerned in a peace with France. Although as ye point of trade with France now stands upon ye late acts of Parliament wee doubt much how such a treaty at present can be reasonably expected, or indeed how it could be possibly preceded in our Parliament till after ye peace be made, when ye reason for ye making these acts will be changed. Yet this is a matter ye must early have in your thoughts, and with ye best care you can prepare a way for, by inserting at least an article in your treaty, for ye final settling this matter, of commerce and navigation with in some reasonable time by Comissioners to be appointed by each party.” These extracts are taken from a very rough draft in the inexecrable writing of Sir Joseph Williamson, as the final instruction to the English plenipotentiaries at Ryswick seem to be lost.

^{Page 248 note 1} See Morgan, W. T., “A Crisis in the History of the Hudson's Bay Company 1694–1697,” North Dakota Historical Quarterly, 07 29, 1931Google Scholar. See also Japikse, , op. cit., I, 203Google Scholar; Archives des Colonies, C/11.E/9, ff. 25–31.

^{Page 248 note 2} Letter to Williamson, July 12/22, S.P., 87/1. A fortnight earlier he more optimistically noted the arrival of the Virginia and Barbados fleet, which they feared had fallen into Pointis’ clutches. S.P., 84/23. See also S.P., 82/19.

^{Page 249 note 1} A. & M., Ill, 48; William had anticipated this and feared France would break all negotiations, “after these two important successes, the taking of Barcelona and the sally from Pointis.” Grimblot, , op. cit., I 99Google Scholar. Stepney prophesied that the French would be insufferable if Pointis reached home with his booty, Letters of July 28/August 7, August 10/20, August 24/September 3, S.P., 105/57. Villiers noted that the news of Barcelona and Pointis came very untimely. Shrewsbury feared the Allies would never get better terms since the “misfortune of Barcelona and Pointis.” Coxe, , op. cit., p. 367Google Scholar.