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THE LETTERED PUBLIC FOR THE FUNERAL ORATIONS OF POGGIO BRACCIOLINI ON FRANCESCO ZABARELLA AND LEONARDO GIUSTINIANI ON CARLO ZENO

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  20 November 2020

JOHN M. McMANAMON
Affiliation:
Institute of Nautical Archaeology
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Abstract

The contemporary efflorescence of comprehensive codicological and paleographical scholarship, supported by the swelling digitalization of extant manuscripts, allows a statistical and cultural analysis of the audience for two popular funeral orations from the early Italian Renaissance. In 1417 Poggio Bracciolini eulogized Cardinal Francesco Zabarella at the Council of Constance, and in 1418 Leonardo Giustiniani commemorated Admiral Carlo Zeno before the assembled Venetian oligarchy. The material evidence of the codices suggests that educational concerns often prompted the copying of both orations. They were generally preserved among the texts of ubiquitous miscellanies that were written on paper by more than one hand. Over 25 percent of the manuscripts belonged to professional humanists and university students. Though the contents of a miscellaneous codex are at least in part spontaneous, those with the orations of Poggio and Giustiniani had a core of works that suggest an evolving textbook of rhetorical models for public speaking. The young humanist orators presented Zabarella and Zeno as committed public servants faithful in deed to the values that they advocated. Poggio offered Zabarella as a model for the reformed cleric. As a leading churchman, Zabarella had a powerful impact on the Council where he promoted unity and grounded his pleas on the ethos of his pedagogical and pastoral service. Zeno emerged as a contrast to the typical military commander because he was as esteemed for his counsel as he was for his courage. The admiral did not shy away from combat, but he won more impressive victories through his humane clemency. Both the cardinal and the admiral embodied the Ciceronian ideal that we are not born for ourselves alone.

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Copyright © Fordham University 2020

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References

1 It is a pleasure to dedicate this study, with admiration and gratitude, to Melissa Bullard. I likewise thank the journal's referees for their generosity in scrutinizing the text and offering helpful suggestions for its improvement. The following abbreviations are used in this article: Griggio, Francesco Barbaro = Claudio Griggio, ed. Francesco Barbaro Epistolario. Vol. 1, La tradizione manoscritta e a stampa. Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento, Carteggi umanistici (Florence, 1991); Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento = Lucia Gualdo Rosa et al., ed. Censimento dei codici dell'Epistolario di Leonardo Bruni. Vol. 1, Manoscritti delle biblioteche non italiane, Nuovi studi storici 22 (Rome, 1993), and Vol. 2, Manoscritti delle biblioteche italiane e della Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Nuovi studi storici 65 (Rome, 2004); Hankins, Repertorium = James Hankins. Repertorium Brunianum: A Critical Guide to the Writings of Leonardo Bruni. Vol. 1, Handlist of Manuscripts, Fonti per la storia dell'Italia Medievale, Subsidia 5 (Rome, 1997); Kristeller, Iter = Kristeller., Paul Oskar Iter Italicum: A Finding List of Uncatalogued or Incompletely Catalogued Humanistic Manuscripts of the Renaissance in Italian and Other Libraries (Leiden, 1963–92)Google Scholar; Zorzanello, Catalogi dei codici latini = Zorzanello., Pietro Catalogo dei codici latini della Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana di Venezia non compresi nel catalogo di G. Valentinelli (Trezzano, 1980–85)Google Scholar; and Zorzi, La Libreria = Zorzi, Marino. La Libreria di San Marco: Libri, lettori, società nella Venezia dei Dogi, Ateneo Veneto: Collana di Studi 1 (Milan, 1987)Google Scholar.

2 See Acta Concilii Constanciensis, ed. Heinrich Finke et al. (Münster in Westfalen, 1896–1928), 2:516–17; Arendt, Paul, Die Predigten des Konstanzer Konzils: Ein Beitrag zur Predigt- und Kirchengeschichte des ausgehenden Mittelalters (Freiburg, 1933), 106107Google Scholar; and Claudio Griggio, “Il codice berlinese Lat. fol. 667: Nuove lettere di Francesco Barbaro,” in Miscellanea di studi in onore di Vittore Branca, vol. 3.1-2, Umanesimo e rinascimento a Firenze e Venezia, Biblioteca dell’Archivum Romanicum 180 (Florence, 1983), 3.1:142 n. 21. For Poggio, see the studies in Poggio Bracciolini 1380–1980 (Nel VI centenario della nascita), Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento Studi e Testi 8 (Florence, 1982). On Zabarella's career, see Morrissey, Thomas E., “Emperor-Elect Sigismund, Cardinal Zabarella, and the Council of Constance,” Catholic Historical Review 69 (1983): 353–70Google Scholar; idem, “Franciscus Zabarella (1360–1417): Papacy, Community, and Limitations Upon Authority,” in Reform and Authority in the Medieval and Reformation Church, ed. Guy Fitch Lytle (Washington, DC, 1981), 37–54; Sottili, Agostino, “La questione ciceroniana in una lettera di Francesco Zabarella a Francesco Petrarca (tav. IV),” Quaderni per la storia dell'Università di Padova 6 (1973): 2549Google Scholar; and Girgensohn, Dieter, “Francesco Zabarella da Padova: Dottrine e attività politica di un professore di diritto durante il Grande Scisma d'occidente,” Quaderni per la storia dell'Università di Padova 26–27 (1993–94): 1–48Google Scholar. In general, see McManamon, John M., Funeral Oratory and the Cultural Ideals of Italian Humanism (Chapel Hill, NC, 1989)Google Scholar; and idem, “Continuity and Change in the Ideals of Humanism: The Evidence from Florentine Funeral Oratory,” in Life and Death in Renaissance Florence, ed. Marcel Tetel, Ronald G. Witt, and Rona Goffen (Durham, NC, 1989), 68–87. I have gathered a database of Renaissance funeral orations, primarily utilizing the six volumes of Kristeller, Iter. The database now numbers 837 funeral orations of known incipit and 283 of unknown incipit. The website is maintained by the History Department of Loyola University Chicago: http://luc.edu/media/lucedu/history/pdfs/Incipit_Catalogue.pdf.

3 Guarino da Verona, Epistolario, ed. Remigio Sabbadini, Miscellanea di storia veneta 8, 11, 13 (Venice, 1915–19), 1:180, 196–98. The opening quote is found on 1:197: “Qui non adfuere ut spectare dicentem et vivam simul orantis vocem haurire potuerint, multa equidem inter legendum laudaturi mihi videntur …” On Zeno's career, see Lane, Frederic C., Venice: A Maritime Republic (Baltimore, 1973), 189–96 and 227–28Google Scholar. After studying Latin and Greek, Giustiniani began a life in public service at age nineteen. On Giustiniani's career, see Patricia H. Labalme, Bernardo Giustiniani: A Venetian of the Quattrocento, Uomini e dottrine 13 (Rome, 1969), 8–10 and 17–90; King, Margaret L., Venetian Humanism in an Age of Patrician Dominance (Princeton, NJ, 1986), 383–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fabbri, Renata, “Il proemio (parzialmente inedito) di Leonardo Giustinian agli Statuti di Bergamo veneziana,” in Filologia umanistica per Gianvito Resta, ed. Fera, Vincenzo and Ferraú, Giacomo, Medioevo e umanesimo 94–96 (Padua, 1997), 1:601–609Google Scholar; and Pignatti, Franco, “Giustinian, Leonardo,” Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (Rome, 1960–), 57:249–55Google Scholar. On the speech, see also Manlio Pastore Stocchi, “Scuola e cultura umanistica fra due secoli,” in Storia della cultura veneta, vol. 3.1-3, Dal primo Quattrocento al Concilio di Trento (Vicenza, 1980), 1:118–19; and McManamon, Funeral Oratory, 88–91. In the sixteenth century, Pietro Giustiniani claimed that Leonardo delivered the speech in Greek and in Latin.

4 For the early development of humanist oratory, see Ronald G. Witt, “In the Footsteps of the Ancients”: The Origins of Humanism from Lovato to Bruni, Studies in Medieval and Reformation Thought 74 (Leiden, 2000). For a critical edition of an influential funeral oration, see Daub, Susanne, Leonardo Brunis Rede auf Nanni Strozzi: Einleitung, Edition, und Kommentar, Beiträge zur Altertumskunde 84 (Stuttgart, 1996), esp. 35–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar, where Daub discusses the organization of Poggio's oration on Zabarella.

5 Kristeller, “Preface,” Iter, 1:xi–xxv.

6 Ludwig Bertalot and Ursula Jaitner-Hahner, Initia humanistica Latina: Initienverzeichnis lateinischer Prosa und Poesie aus der Zeit des 14. bis 16. Jahrhunderts (Tübingen, 1985–2004), 2.1:359 (no. 6589). See also Chris L. Nighman and Phillip Stump, “A Bibliographical Register of the Sermons and Other Orations Delivered at the Council of Constance (1414–1418),” part 3, “Main Sermon Register (pdf),” 6–7, available online at: http://www.bibsocamer.org/BibSite/Nighman-Stump/index.html (accessed 30 March 2020).

7 Siena H.VI.26. The codex was written in the Veneto by four hands, the principal of which (fols. 1–90v) has been described as Humanist (littera antiqua) with Gothic or Semihumanist influence. On the codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 2:165a; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:296–97; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:173 (no. 2350); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:209–11.

8 BAV Urb. lat. 224. On the famous codex, see Poggio Bracciolini, De varietate fortunae: Edizione critica con introduzione e commento, ed. Outi Merisalo, Annales Academiae Scientiarum Fennicae, ser. B, 265 (Helsinki, 1993), 41–42; and Poggio Bracciolini, De infelicitate principum, ed. Davide Canfora, Edizione nazionale di testi umanistici 2 (Rome, 1998), cii–ciii.

9 Dresden App. 2282. In 1892, Max Lehnerdt first called attention to the importance of the codex then in the Stadtbücherei of Chemnitz (no. 2411a); see Lehnerdt, “Zu den Briefen des Leonardo Bruni von Arezzo,” Zeitschrift für vergleichende Litteraturgeschichte, n.s., 5 (1892): 461–66. See also Kristeller, Iter, 3:413a–b and 6:501a–b; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:179–80; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:99–100; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:31 (no. 357). The codex passed to the Stadtbücherei from the Gymnasium in Chemnitz. It is written in antiqua and has marginal corrections by several hands. Kristeller and Griggio say that the codex is parchment, but the team of Gualdo Rosa says that it is paper and has three parchment flyleaves.

10 The Collatio for Zabarella in Trier, Stadbibl., cod. 743/1424, is not by Poggio but by Richard Flem(m)ing. I thank Dr. Michael Embach and Dr. Reiner Nolden for sending me the incipit. The Trier codex has a terminus post quem of 1424 and was copied by Helwig von Boppard (Helwicus de Boppardia). In February of 1432, Helwig von Boppard, Nicholas of Cusa, and Johann Rode von Trier, OSB, were seated at the Council of Basel to represent Ulrich von Manderscheid in the disputed election for archbishop of Trier; see Watanabe, Morimichi, “The Episcopal Election of 1430 in Trier and Nicholas of Cusa,” Church History 39 (1970): 308CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 Paolo Frambotto used Padua, Museo Civico, cod. B. P. 2042, for his Paduan edition of Zabarella's dialogue, De felicitate, and Poggio's funeral oration. Washington, Library of Congress, cod. Phillipps 5819 has documents for a history of the Zabarella family.

12 Salamanca Univ. 64. The margin below the table has the signature of “Joannes de Camargo” (Juan Ruiz de Camargo, d. 1477), maestrescuela of Salamanca, who likewise signed his name at the end of the codex (fol. 180). The final folio also has the signature of another possessor, Alfonso Ortiz, canon of Toledo who wrote a consolatory treatise after the sudden death of Prince Don Juan at Salamanca in October 1497 (Salamanca 368, fols. 62–93v). There is a note by a later hand on fol. 180, suggesting that “Niculas de Garnica, de Yllescas” gave the codex to the cathedral of León in 1586. See González, Carmen Castrillo, Catálogo de manuscritos de la Biblioteca Universitaria de Salamanca, vol. 1, Manuscritos 1–1679bis (Salamanca, 1997), 65–69 and 259Google Scholar.

13 New Haven Yale Beinecke Osborn a.17. See Kristeller, Iter, 5:291a; and Dennis Dutschke, Census of Petrarch Manuscripts in the United States, Censimento dei codici petrarcheschi 9 (Padua, 1986), 194–97, who both note the coat of arms with the lettering “NI HO.” See also the description on the “Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts at the Beinecke Library” website, available at: https://pre1600ms.beinecke.library.yale.edu/docs/pre1600.osborn.a17.htm (accessed 13 July 2020).

14 Berlin Lat. fol. 557 has a portrait of Poggio cribbed from Giambattista Recanati's edition of the Historia florentina published at Venice by Johannes Gabriel Hertz in 1715. Recanati prepared the edition from one of his own parchment manuscripts, now Marciana Zan. lat. 392 (1684).

15 San Daniele 97. Laura Casarsa, Mario D'Angelo, and Cesare Scalon, La Libreria di Guarnerio d'Artegna, Storia della Società Friulana: Collana di Studi Storici (Udine, 1991), 28–31 and 319–21. I thank Dr. Zsuzsanna Kisery for alerting me to the relevance of this codex.

16 BL Arundel 70. Pirckheimer began work on the Arundel codex in 1448 while Giovanni Lamola's student of rhetoric in Bologna and continued to gather texts during his law studies at Padua where he moved at the end of the year. Upon returning to Nuremberg in 1453, he served on the city council, represented the city on diplomatic missions, and raised a family of scholars that included his son Johannes (ca. 1440–1501), a jurist and, late in life, a priest, and his grandson Willibald (1470–1530). See Bertalot, Ludwig, “Iacobi Zeni Descriptio Coniurationis Patavine,” in Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus, ed. Kristeller, Paul Oskar, Raccolta di Studi e Testi 129–30 (Rome, 1975), 2:105–108Google Scholar; Agostino Sottili, Studenti tedeschi e umanesimo italiano nell'Università di Padova durante il Quattrocento, vol. 1, Pietro del Monte nella società accademica padovana (1430–1433), Contributi alla storia dell'Università di Padova 7 (Padua, 1971), 1–12; the articles of Franz Josef Worstbrock on Hans and Johannes Pirckheimer, in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon, 2nd ed. (Berlin and New York, 1978–99), 7:701–708; and Riccardo Fubini, “Il ‘teatro del mondo’ nelle prospettive morali e storico-politiche di Poggio Bracciolini — Appendice 1: L'orazione di Costanza sui vizi del clero,” in Poggio Bracciolini 1380–1980 (n. 2 above), 94–96. In editing Poggio's oration on clerical vices, Fubini found Pirckheimer's Arundel codex the most reliable and notable for linking that oration with Poggio's encomium of Zabarella. Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:206–207, suggested that the codex probably has three German hands. Munich Universitätsbibl. Folio 607 and Vienna Lat. 3330 are related to this codex. See also Hankins, Repertorium, 1:89 (no. 1227).

17 Seville Colombina 5–5–19. Descriptions of the codex indicate that it was written in Italy by German hands. Subscriptions establish that texts were copied at Augsburg in 1465, 1468, and 1469. Hernando Colón (1488–1539), learned son of the admiral and an avid collector of books, purchased the codex in Augsburg. See Kristeller, Iter, 4:617b–18a; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:208; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:171 (no. 2327); Juan Guillén Torralba, Hernando Colón: Humanismo y bibliofilia (Seville, 2004), 75–86, 135–37, 249–67; and Agostino Sottili, “Der Bericht des Johannes Roth über die Kaiserkrönung von Friedrich III,” Humanismus und Universitätsbesuch: Die Wirkung italienischer Universitäten auf die “Studia Humanitatis” nördlich der Alpen, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance 26 (Leiden, 2006), 405–406. Simon Enthofer von Rothenburg ob der Tauber (Bavaria) matriculated at the University of Leipzig in 1450 and earned degrees there in 1452 and 1454. See Förstemann, Joseph, “Vermischte Beiträge aus Handschriften und Urkunden der Leipziger Universitäts-Bibliothek,” Neues Archiv für Sächsische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 18 (1897): 131 and 146Google Scholar.

18 Schlägl Cpl. 136. Vielhaber, Godfried, Catalogus Codicum Plagensium (Cpl.) Manuscriptorum (Linz, 1918), 239–40Google Scholar.

19 Wrocław Uniwersytecka R.36. At the end of the codex, three parchment folios were added to accommodate excerpts from Cicero, scribbles, and mathematical computations. On the codex, see Ziegler, Konrat, Catalogus codicum latinorum classicorum qui in Bibliotheca Urbica Wratislaviensi adservatur (Breslau, 1915), 45Google Scholar; and Kristeller, Iter, 4:427b.

20 Eichstätt Universitätsbibl. st 218. On the codex, formerly in the Staatliche Bibl., see Kristeller, Iter, 3:524b–25a; and Hardo Hilg, Die mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek Eichstätt, vol. 1, Aus Cod. st 1–Cod. st 275, Kataloge der Universitätsbibliothek Eichstätt 1. Die Mittelalterlichen Handschriften 1 (Wiesbaden, 1994), xvii–xviii and 140–54.

21 Pesaro Oliveriana 44. On the codex and Santucci's later career as professor of medicine at the universities of Perugia (1458–59) and Florence, see Ristori, Giovanni Battista, “Libreria del maestro Agostino Santucci,” Rivista delle biblioteche e degli archivi 15 (1904): 3537Google Scholar; Zicàri, Marcello, “Il più antico codice di lettere di P. Paolo Vergerio il vecchio,” Studia Oliveriana 2 (1954): 33–5Google Scholar9; Kristeller, Iter, 2:64a; and Jonathan Davies, Florence and Its University during the Early Renaissance, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance 8 (Leiden, 1998), 41–42 n. 206, 169, and 174.

22 Brussels BR II.1442. Ludolphus de Frisia wrote subscriptions on fols. 216 and 332. The manuscript later passed to the library of the abbey of Park, to Thomas Phillipps (no. 10441), and to the Royal Library in 1891. See Kristeller, Iter, 3:108b; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:100; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:26; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:21 (no. 245).

23 BAV Ottob. lat. 3021. Ludwig Bertalot, “Eine sammlung Paduaner Reden des XV. Jahrhunderts,” in Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus (Rome, 1975), 2:212–13, posited a relationship among Ottob. lat. 3021, Berlin Lat. folio 613, and Udine Arcivescovile 70 that probably reflects the educational activities of the Barzizza family in Padua from 1407 to 1434. For Ottob. lat. 3021, see Revest, Clémence, “Naissance du cicéronianisme et émergence de l'humanisme comme culture dominante: réflexions pour une histoire de la rhétorique humaniste comme pratique sociale,” Mélanges de l’École française de Rome-Moyen Âge 125 (2013): 219–57Google Scholar. On Berlin Lat. folio 613, see also Kristeller, Iter, 3:483b–84a; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:77; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:10 (no. 103).

24 Madrid BN 11557. See Gregorio de Andres, “La biblioteca de un teólogo renacentista: Martín Pérez de Ayala,” Helmántica 27 (1976): 91–111; Kristeller, Iter, 4:570b; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:207; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:101 (no. 1364). Around 1789, Prior Antonio Tavira y Almazán (1737–1807) copied a subscription that reads: “scriptus Bononiae manu. A propria duodecima die octobris anno Domini millesimo quadrigentesimo trecesimo sexto in domo magistri Joannis Butiyer.” Kristeller cited a subscription that reads: “Bononie decima quinta mensis otobris(sic) anni tricessimi sesti in domo magistri Johannis Jo. A.S.Y.R.A.X.” A member of the military order of Santiago, Pérez de Ayala was named bishop of Guadix in 1547, bishop of Segovia in 1560, and archbishop of València in 1564. Around 1555, he took a three-year sabbatical to study the Hebrew Scriptures with the assistance of two Jewish converts. Pérez de Ayala willed his library to the convent of Uclés (Cuenca), most of his manuscripts remained at the monastery until the state obtained possession of that library after the order was suppressed, the codices were stored at the Archivo Hístorico Nacional in 1872, and they were moved to the Biblioteca in 1896. For reasons that are not entirely clear, in 1567 Philip II took seventeen codices from Ayala's library for the library of his El Escorial monastery. On Ayala's career, see Constancio Gutiérrez, “Pérez de Ayala, Martín,” in Diccionario de Historia Eclesiastica de España, ed. Quintín Aldea Vaquero, Tomás Marín Martínez, and José Vives Gatell (Madrid, 1972–87), 3:1963–65.

25 Oxford Balliol 125. See Coxe, Henricus O., Catalogus codicum mss. qui in collegiis aulisque Oxoniensibus hodie adservantur (Oxford, 1852), 1:35–36Google Scholar; Mynors, Roger, “Introduction to the Catalogue: William Gray and His Books,” Catalogue of the Manuscripts of Balliol College Oxford (Oxford, 1963), xxiv-xlvGoogle Scholar; and Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:235.

26 Gotha Chart. B.61. See Kristeller, Iter, 3:397b–98a; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:104; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:79 (no. 1095). The codex has several hands, including an Italian Humanist one for the Poggio oration. A subscription on fol. 251v reads: “Per me rescriptum et finitum, ad diem veneris, 13 kl. iulii, anno dominice incarnationis 1467, A. R.” Elisabeth Wunderle has identified the hand that copied the letter of Enea Silvio Piccolomini as Sigismund Gossembrot (1417–93), a patrician humanist and former mayor of Augsburg who once owned the composite codex. There is a second use of the A. R. initials on fol. 287v. See Wunderle, Katalog der mittelalterlichen lateinischen Papierhandschriften aus den Sammlungen der Herzog von Sachsen-Coburg und Gotha'schen Stiftung für Kunst und Wissenschaft, Die Handschriften der Forschungsbibliothek Gotha 1 (Wiesbaden, 2002), 223–39.

27 Venice Marc. lat. XI.59 (4152). On the codex, see Zorzanello, Catalogo dei codici latini, 1:487–94; Kristeller, Iter, 2:253b–54a, 6:259a; Laurentii Valle Epistole, ed. Ottavio Besomi and Mariangela Regoliosi (Padua, 1984), 80; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:315–16; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:210 (no. 2923). For Christophorus Vivianus Veronensis (Cristoforo Viviani da Verona), see the discussion of Padua Seminario Vescovile 92 below (note 39).

28 Ravenna Classense 117. The codex was written in the Veneto by one hand in antiqua, and the possessor's notes are on p. 474. See Poggio Bracciolini Lettere, vol. 1, Lettere a Niccolò Niccoli, ed. Helene Harth, Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento, Carteggi umanistici (Florence, 1984), li–liii; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:253; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:157 (no. 2143); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:175–76.

29 New Haven Yale Beinecke Osborn a.17. Dultone left possessor's notes on fols. 3 (“No. 486”) and 134v. The codex passed from the bookseller Thomas Thorpe to Thomas Phillipps in 1836 (no. 9627), to W. H. Robinson, and to Osborn who purchased the codex from the Robinson Trust in 1953 and bequeathed it to Yale in 1976. See Dutschke, Census of Petrarch Manuscripts (n. 13 above), 194–97; James Hankins, “Bruni Manuscripts in North America: A Handlist,” in Per il censimento dei codici dell'Epistolario di Leonardo Bruni (Seminario internazionale di studi, Firenze, 30 ottobre 1987), ed. Lucia Gualdo Rosa and Paolo Viti, Nuovi studi storici 10 (Rome, 1991), 79; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:125 (no. 1726).

30 Ida Maïer, Les manuscrits d'Ange Politien: Catalogue descriptif, Travaux d'humanisme et Renaissance 70 (Geneva, 1965), 219–20.

31 BAV Vat. lat. 2906. For Aniello Salernitano, see Piacentini, Paola Scarcia, “Lettere di un ignoto umanista (Vat. lat. 2906: Personaggi e cultura d'area salernitana),” Humanistica Lovaniensia 29 (1980): 119–46Google Scholar. The codex also has letters of Lucio di Visso related to the history of Spoleto, letters of Prospero Schiaffini da Camogli, chancellor of Genoa at mid-century, and Iacopo Bracelli's letter on the battle of Ponza in 1435. For the provenance of the composite codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 2:356a–b; Scarcia Piacentini, “Lettere di un ignoto umanista,” 108–10, 147–48; Piacentini, Paola Scarcia, “Un fantasma umbro-marchigiano del’400: Lucio di Visso,” Res Publica Litterarum: Studies in the Classical Tradition 5 (1982): 233–34Google Scholar; and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:313–14. The codex later belonged to the Roman cardinal, Angelo Colocci (1474–1549). Colocci was a friend of Giovanni Pontano and a member of Pontano's Academy in Naples, and he collected the works of contemporary humanists, including a few codices from the widow of the poet Benet Gareth, called Cariteo (ca. 1450–ca. 1512). Colocci and Cariteo became close friends in Rome from 1501–1503. For Colocci and his library, see Lattès, Samy, “Recherches sur la bibliothèque d'Angelo Colocci,” Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire 48 (1931): 330 and 343CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vittorio Fanelli, Ricerche su Angelo Colocci e sulla Roma cinquecentesca, Studi e testi 283 (Vatican City, 1979); and Sergio Anselmi, “Colocci, Angelo,” Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (n. 3 above), 27:105–11. Over a period of years, the Vatican Library acquired many of Colocci's books.

32 BAV Vat. lat. 13679. The codex dates from the late fifteenth century and has the customary note on fol. 1 indicating that it was given away by Pontano's daughter: “Eugenia Joannis Pontani filia ex mera eius liberalitate hunc librum Biblyotecae beati Dominici in clarissimi patris memoriam dicandum curavit.” Shortly after Pontano's death in 1503, Eugenia gave many of his codices to the library of San Domenico Maggiore in Naples. In the listing made by the family's notary on 4 June 1505, the Vatican codex is no. 46 (“Orationes Donati Acciaiuoli et multorum” ad mano). Vat. lat. 13679 was subsequently acquired by the monastery of San Michele di Murano (cod. 983). See Pèrcopo, Erasmo, “La vita di Giovanni Pontano,” Archivio storico per le province napoletane 61 (1936): 235–46Google Scholar; Kristeller, Iter, 2:348b, 387a–b, and 6:351a–b; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:208 (no. 2892). Vat. lat. 13679 and Bodleian D'Orville 59 are related to Perugia Fondo Vecchio J.100.

33 Venceslaus's codex, BAV Ottob. lat. 3021, is related to Udine Arcivescovile 70 and Berlin Lat. fol. 613, and all three codices have a Paduan matrix. Pirckheimer's codex, Arundel 70, is related to Munich Universitätsbibl. Fol. 607 and Vienna Lat. 3330, and all share a matrix in Bologna (the teaching of Giovanni Lamola) and Padua (the collecting of model orations). See the further comments below.

34 Marc. lat. XI.80 (3057). The codex dates to the end of the fifteenth century (1485 as terminus post quem), was copied in the eighteenth century by Giovanni Benedetto Mittarelli (San Michele 1130), and in that same century belonged to Anton Francesco Marmi (1655–1736) and Giacomo Nani (no. 95). Nani collected many valuable papyri and books in Egypt and throughout the Ottoman Empire; he bequeathed his collection to the Marciana in January 1796. He died suddenly the following year while organizing Venice's defense against Napoleon. See Zorzanello, Catalogo dei codici latini, 1:518–36; Kristeller, Iter, 2:254a–b; Zorzi, La Libreria, 309–15; Harth, Poggio Bracciolini Lettere (n. 28 above), 1:lxiv–lxv; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:316–17; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:211 (no. 2927); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:240–41.

35 Udine Arcivescovile 70. The ex libris of Grimani is found on a flyleaf, and a coat of arms was erased from the lower margin of the first folio. The codex had its origin in Padua, was written by two hands in antiqua, and contains texts dated from 1401 to 1435. See Bertalot, “Eine Sammlung Paduaner Reden” (n. 23 above), 2:209–35; Kristeller, Iter, 2:202a–b; Cesare Scalon, La biblioteca arcivescovile di Udine, Medioevo e umanesimo 37 (Padua, 1979), 135; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:302–303; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:183 (no. 2477).

36 Kristeller, Paul Oskar, “An Unknown Letter of Giovanni Barbo to Guarino,” Italia medioevale e umanistica 8 (1965): 244Google Scholar: “… the original date, place, and ownership of a miscellaneous manuscript may be inferred from the rarest and most unusual parts of its contents.”

37 Remigio Sabbadini, Epistolario di Guarino (n. 3 above), 3:x–xi, proposed that Niccolò Leonardi may have collected the letters of Guarino in the codex. Similarly, Ludwig Bertalot, “Zwölf Briefe des Ambrogio Traversari,” in Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus (Rome, 1975), 1:252, suggested that Leonardi may have owned the codex. See further Griggio, “Il codice berlinese Lat. fol. 667” (n. 2 above), 1:138–39, 144, and 159–60 n. 1. The codex has eight hands, texts predominantly of Venetian provenance, a primary anthology (fols. 1–126) finished around 1440, and an apparent appendix of similar texts (fols. 126v–37). Given that the codex preserves almost all the letters that Niccolò Leonardi wrote and the scribe likely worked from autographs and rough drafts, Griggio endorsed the possibility that the Leonardi family owned the codex but added that this is still a supposition. From a letter of Niccolò Leonardi to Vergerio in 1437, we know that Niccolò had lost his sight and needed the assistance of his son Girolamo. Whoever owned the codex knew Guarino well enough that Guarino would allow him to consult his papers, assist him in the redacting, and make an autograph note of approval about the translation of a Greek phrase therein. The codex later belonged to Thomas Phillipps (no. 11907) and was bought by the ex-Königliche Bibliothek at an auction of Sotheby's on 6 June 1910. See also Kristeller, Iter, 3:484b, 6:497b; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:78–81; Gualdo Rosa at al., Censimento, 1:90–91; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:10–11 (no. 104). Both Niccolò and Girolamo were physicians, and Niccolò taught medicine at Padua in the 1420s. They used the wealth that they accumulated to collect books, but Niccolò made an explicit commitment in his will to assure that any books he had borrowed would be returned to fellow doctors and scholars. See King, Venetian Humanism (n. 3 above), 62–63 and 387–89.

38 Padua Seminario Vescovile 36. The fascicle of the composite codex with Poggio's oration (36/II) dates to the last quarter of the fifteenth century. In 1583 the codex belonged to Guido Alfonso Faletti and his wife Isabella, perhaps as part of her dowry. See the entries on the Nuova Biblioteca Manoscritta website prepared from the library's 1998 printed catalog by Silvia Rizzi and Stefania Cavinato (revised by Alessia Giachery and Barbara Vanin), available at: www.nuovabibliotecamanoscritta.it/ (accessed 11 April 2020).

39 Padua Seminario Vescovile 92. The letter by Cristoforo Viviani da Verona to the citizens of Belluno and their response in 1465 (fols. 152–53) were also copied onto the flyleaves of Marc. XI.59 (4152). The Padua codex was written in northeastern Italy by at least two Semigothic hands and has a terminus post quem of 1461 for its remaining contents. See Kristeller, Iter, 2:8b and 550a–b; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:135–36 (no. 1854); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:153–54. Kristeller first proposed Viviani's ownership. See Konrad Krautter, Paul Oskar Kristeller, and Helmut Roob, “Tre trattati di Lauro Quirini sulla nobiltà,” in Lauro Quirini umanista, ed. Vittore Branca, Civiltà veneziana, Saggi 23 (Florence, 1977), 22.

40 BAV Chis. J.VI.215. The codex has a terminus post quem of 1458 and was written by various Humanist cursive or chancery hands. See Kristeller, Iter, 2:484a–b; Besomi and Regoliosi, Laurentii Valle Epistole (n. 27 above), 67–68; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:188 (no. 2553); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:283–84.

41 Howard purchased parts of the Pirckheimer library, including Arundel 70, at Nuremberg in 1636. See Seymour De Ricci, English Collectors of Books and Manuscripts (1530–1930) and Their Marks of Ownership, Burt Franklin Bibliography & Reference Series 268 (New York, 1930), 25.

42 Oxford Bodleian D'Orville 59 is of Italian origin and probably dates to the 1480s. See Kristeller, Iter, 4:250b–51a; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:133 (no. 1816). To acquaint himself with classical literature, art, and scholarship, D'Orville traveled widely in England, France, Germany, and Italy. He edited the novel of Chariton of Aphrodisias and wrote a work on the history of Sicily, Sicula, that was published posthumously.

43 Domenico Fava, La Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze e le sue insigni raccolte, Le grandi biblioteche storiche italiane 1 (Milan, 1939), 10–11 and 62–66.

44 Finke listed the codex as Alfter Sammlung 146. The codex is now Cologne, Historisches Archiv der Stadt Köln, GB quarto 268. See Chris L. Nighman and Phillip Stump, “A Bibliographical Register of the Sermons and Other Orations Delivered at the Council of Constance (1414–1418),” part 6, “List of Manuscripts Containing Constance Sermons (pdf),” 9, at http://bibsocamer.org/BibSite/Nighman-Stump/index.html (accessed 1 April 2020).

45 Shrewd barterer when making a purchase, Phillipps so treasured his codices that he kept them in coffin-like metal boxes, stacked on top of each other, lest they be destroyed in a fire. See De Ricci, English Collectors (n. 41 above), 119–30; and Alan Bell, “Phillips, Sir Thomas, baronet,” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, ed. H. C. G. Matthew and Brian Howard Harrison (Oxford, 2004), 44:91–94.

46 Cracow Jagiellońska Lat. quarto 545; Milan Ambrosiana E 115 sup.; Milan Ambrosiana Trotti 348; Stuttgart Württembergische Landesbibl. Hist. folio 252; BAV Urb. lat. 224; BAV Urb. lat. 1169; and BAV Vat. lat. 1785. The Stuttgart codex was written by a German hand in the fifteenth century and has for its provenance the library of Georg Wilhelm Zapf (1747–1810). On Stuttgart Hist. folio 252, see Kristeller, Iter, 3:699b; and Harth, Poggio Bracciolini Lettere (n. 28 above), 1:xxxiv–xxxvi. Schlägl Cpl. 136 has Ambrogio Traversari's translation of Diogenes Laertius, De vitis, sectis, dictis, responsis, ac libris philosophorum liber (fols. 1–158), and then eight orations of Poggio, including his six funeral orations (fols. 159–218), all copied by Wenceslaus de Glacz. Urb. lat. 1169 has only the six funeral orations. See Stornajolo, Cosimus, Codices Urbinates Latini, vol. 3, Codices 1001–1779 (Rome, 1921), 186–87Google Scholar. Dijon 837 (491), a miscellany once in the Abbey of Cîteaux, has five of the six. See Catalogue général des manuscrits des bibliothèques publiques de France: Départements, vol. 5, Dijon, ed. Auguste Molinier, Henri Omont, Étienne-Symphorien Bougenot, and Philippe Guignard (Paris, 1889), 229–30.

47 See Lucia Gualdo Rosa, “Introduzione,” Censimento, 1:v–xxxiv.

48 Poggio's characterization of Zabarella as a citizen of Padua fits the record. Zabarella passed much of his life in Padua, teaching law, adjudicating disputes, and serving the Carrarese and Venetian governments. Most of his ecclesiastical offices were also Paduan: cathedral canon, cathedral archpriest, and bishop-elect though never consecrated because of Venetian opposition. See Girgensohn, “Francesco Zabarella da Padova” (n. 2 above), 13–14 and 35–38.

49 The owner's note is found in Siena H.VI.26, fol. 94v, and the codex was still in the Franciscan convent of San Francesco in Ferrara in the first half of the eighteenth century when Giovanni Giacinto Sbaraglia saw it there. On subsequent visits to Ferrara after 1750, however, Sbaraglia could not find the manuscript. Ludovico da Pirano was present at the opening of the Council of Ferrara (1438), spent a period of years in Ferrara until 1444 while exiled from his diocese of Forlì, and stipulated in his will that a portion of his books go to the Franciscan convent. On Ludovico da Pirano and the Siena codex, see Yates, Frances A., “Lodovico da Pirano's Memory Treatise,” in Cultural Aspects of the Italian Renaissance: Essays in Honour of Paul Oskar Kristeller, ed. Clough, Cecil H. (Manchester, 1976), 111–22Google Scholar; Cesare Cenci, “Ludovico da Pirano e la sua attività letteraria,” in Storia e cultura al Santo, ed. Antonino Poppi, Fonti e studi per la storia del Santo a Padova 3 (Studi 1) (Vicenza, 1976), 265–78; and Dieter Girgensohn, “Lob des tüchtigen Staatsmannes: Der Panegyrikus von Ludovico da Pirano OFM auf den Venezianer Adeligen Francesco Corner und dessen Testamente,” in Margarita amicorum: Studi di cultura europea per Agostino Sottili, ed. Fabio Forner, Carla Maria Monti, and Paul Gerhard Schmidt, Bibliotheca erudita: Studi e documenti di storia e filologia 26 (Milan, 2005), 1:431–32 and 453. Cenci, 273, noted that Ludovico da Pirano gave the funeral oration for Bartolomeo Cermisone. There are further copies in BAV, cod. Palat. lat. 327, fols. 289v–91v (Kristeller, Iter, 2:390b, 6:354b anon.); Cracow, Bibl. Jagiellońska, cod. 126, fols. 21v–22v (Kristeller, Iter, 4:403b–404a); ibid., cod. 173, fols. 227–28v (Kristeller, Iter, 4:404a–b; and Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia [n. 6 above], 2.2:1163, no. 20415); ibid., Bibl. Muzeum Narodowego w Krakowie, Oddział Zbiory Czartoryskich, cod. 1242, 308–14 (Kristeller, Iter, 4:408a–b); St. Petersburg, Archive of the Historical Institute (LOII), cod. 1, box 614, fols. 55–58 (Kristeller, Iter, 5:173a); and Wrocław, Bibl. Zakładu Narodowego im. Ossolińskich, cod. 601/I, fols. 273–74 (Kristeller, Iter, 4:440a). Some scholars, including myself, have confused Ludovico da Pirano with Ludovico Strassoldo. For Strassoldo, see Mercati, Giovanni, “Intorno a Eugenio IV, Lorenzo Valla, e fra Ludovico da Strassoldo,” Rivista di storia della Chiesa in Italia 5 (1951): 4352Google Scholar; and Bruno Figliuolo, “Sul dialogo De regia ac papali potestate di Ludovico di Strassoldo (1434),” in Medioevo Mezzogiorno Mediterraneo: Studi in onore di Mario Del Treppo, ed. Gabriella Rossetti and Giovanni Vitolo, Europa Mediterranea, Quaderni 12–13 (Naples, 2000), 2:231–46.

50 Kristeller, Iter, 1:125a and 5:576a–b.

51 Bertalot and Jaitner-Hahner, Initia (n. 6 above), 2.1:649 (no. 11750).

52 Incunabular editions with Giustiniani's oration: Bernardo Giustiniani, Orationes et epistolae (Venice, [1492]); Gregorio Britannico, Sermones funebres et nuptiales in the shorter original version first published at Brescia by Angelo and Giacomo Britannico on 26 March 1495 and then at Milan in 1496 and Venice in 1498. An expanded version of the original Britannico edition was published at Brescia ca. 1498, at Milan ca. 1498/1500, at Venice on 1 March 1500, and at Venice perhaps after 1500. A third edition in which the original anthologies were augmented with at least two new funeral orations was published as Sermones funebres noviter inventi at Brescia on 5 Sept. 1500 and republished several times in the early sixteenth century. There were five Britannico brothers active in scholarship, preaching, and publishing at Brescia in the late Quattrocento, and their press issued around seventy editions on a variety of subjects. See Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke (Leipzig, 1925–), 5:547–54 (nos. 5548–55); Catalogue of Books Printed in the Fifteenth Century Now in the British Museum, part 7, Italy: Genoa — Unassigned Addenda (London, 1935), liv–lv, 977, and 980; and Ugo Baroncelli, “Britannico,” Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (n. 3 above), 14:339–42.

53 Glasgow Hunter 301 (U.6.19). See John Young and P. Henderson Aitken, A Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of the Hunterian Museum in the University of Glasgow (Glasgow, 1908), 241–42; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:78 (no. 1085).

54 On the possibility that Padua Seminario Vescovile 46 was once in the Bibl. Corviniana in Buda, see Klara Csapodi-Gárdonyi, “Rapporti fra la biblioteca di Mattia Corvino e Venezia,” in Venezia e Ungheria nel rinascimento, ed. Vittore Branca, Civiltà Veneziana, Studi 28 (Florence, 1973), 221–23. The Corviniana codex was moved from Buda to Istanbul and acquired in 1533 in Istanbul by Niccolò Zeno, descendant of Carlo and son of Pietro Zeno, ambassador to the Sultan. Csapodi-Gárdonyi analyzes the argument of Gasparo Zonta that this cannot be the Corviniana codex since it was listed in a 1524 inventory of the Seminary Library in Padua and notes that the codex listed in the Paduan inventory was paper whereas the Corviniana codex was parchment. In 1720, the Seminary Library acquired the manuscript as part of the collection of Count Alfonso Alvarotti.

55 Zorzanello, Kristeller, and Harth describe Marc. lat. XI.100 (3938) as paper, while the team led by Gualdo Rosa describes it as parchment. It is a zibaldone (family hodgepodge book). See Zorzanello, Catalogo dei codici latini, 1:563–79; Kristeller, Iter, 2:255a–b, 6:259b; Harth, Poggio Bracciolini Lettere (n. 28 above), 1:lxiv; and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:242–43.

56 BL Harley 2268. Mann, Nicholas, “Petrarch Manuscripts in the British Isles,” Italia medioevale e umanistica 18 (1975): 268 n. 3Google Scholar. For the material construction of the first part of this composite codex, see also David Rundle, “Of Republics and Tyrants: Aspects of Quattrocento Humanist Writings and Their Reception in England, ca. 1400–ca. 1460,” (D.Phil. thesis, University of Oxford, 1997), 393 and 410.

57 Venice Marciana Zan. lat. 496 (1688). The codex belonged to Cardinal Bessarion. See Zorzanello, Catalogo dei codici latini, 1:105–109; and Kristeller, Iter, 2:215b, 6:253b.

58 Berlin Lat. octavo 148. On fol. 64v of the codex, there is a “Iesus” invocation and the date “1470 die primo octobris.” The codex was written by an Italian hand in a Humanist cursive script, and it passed from the Maffei family library in Verona to Abbot Luigi Celotti (ca. 1768–ca. 1846) and to Thomas Phillipps in 1825 (no. 939) before it was obtained by the ex-Königliche Bibl. in 1896. See Munby, A. N. L., The Formation of the Phillipps Library up to the Year 1840, Phillipps Studies 3 (Cambridge, 1954), 5051Google Scholar; Kristeller, Iter, 3:492b–93a; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:82–83; and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:130.

59 Basel Universitätsbibl. F.V.6. See Besomi, Ottavio, “Codici petrarcheschi nelle biblioteche svizzere,” Italia medioevale e umanistica 8 (1965): 381–83Google Scholar; and Kristeller, Iter, 5:68b–69a. A note on fol. 1 indicates that Amici gave the codex to the Carthusians.

60 Oxford Bywater 38. The codex subsequently belonged to Giambattista Recanati (1687–1735), Iacopo Soranzo (1686–1761), Matteo Luigi Canonici (1727–1806), his brother Giuseppe Canonici, his nephew Giovanni Perissonotti, and Walter Sneyd (1809–88). Sneyd bought 915 Canonici manuscripts in 1835, resold some of them at Sotheby's in 1836, and kept the majority for himself. When Sotheby's auctioned much of Sneyd's remaining collection in 1903, a J. Barnard bought the codex for one shilling. Ingram Bywater, Regius Professor of Greek at Oxford, bequeathed his collection to the Bodleian, where it passed after his death in 1914. On the codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 4:248b–49b; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:236–40; and the description by Peter Kidd on the “Medieval Manuscripts in Oxford Libraries” website, available online at: https://medieval.bodleian.ox.ac.uk/catalog/manuscript_2019 (accessed 13 July 2020). For Guarino's autograph marginalia, see Marianne Pade, The Reception of Plutarch's “Lives” in Fifteenth-Century Italy, Renaessancestudier 14 (Copenhagen, 2007), 1:187–90 and 349–52. On the migration of Canonici's codices from Venice to England and Sneyd's purchases, see De Ricci, English Collectors (n. 41 above), 136–37; and Zorzi, La Libreria, 375–76.

61 Venice Giustiniani-Recanati V.13 (98). The subscription is found at the end of Giustiniani's oration: “Ego Johannes Antonius Urbinas civis Pad. scripsi anno 1489 5a Ianuarii.” A second oration follows (inc. Cum eam videbitis Johannes). See Kristeller, Iter, 2:292b and 6:287a.

62 Berlin Lat. quarto 507. The codex dates to the middle of the fifteenth century and was written in northern Italy by an Italian hand in a Humanist cursive script. The codex later formed part of the library of Thomas Phillipps (no. 17763) and was bought by the ex-Königliche Bibl. in Berlin in 1896. See Kristeller, Iter, 3:490a; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:95; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:12 (no. 123).

63 Padua Univ. 541. The codex dates to the years 1431–38, has a subscription by Gabriele Alessandri da Bergamo (fol. 45), either the jurist active in the middle of the sixteenth century or his Dominican son of the same name, and others by Delani (fols. 87v, 95, 119, 138), who was the principal scribe and copied texts while podestà at Verona. The miscellany has material from the Veneto with emphasis on texts related to Verona. See Kristeller, Iter, 2:13b–14a; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:136–37 (no. 1867); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:155–56.

64 Lucca Statale 1436. Guglielmo di Iacopo Rustichelli da Pisa served as notary for the magistrato of Cigoli in 1419–20 and as communal chancellor of San Miniato in 1420–24. His subscriptions in this codex, more pisano, date to 1433–35 (fols. 147v and 193). In Lucca from 1433 to 1435, Rustichelli also copied Yale Univ. cod. Marston 250. See Hankins, “Bruni Manuscripts in North America” (n. 29 above), 78; and the Archivio storico comunale di San Miniato, Archivio preunitario, Comunità di Cigoli, Deliberazioni del Magistrato, no. 3413, and Comunità di San Miniato, Deliberazioni dei Priori e del Consiglio, nos. 2320–21, inventoried on the “AST: Recupero e diffusione degli inventari degli archivi storici comunali toscani” website, at: http://ast.sns.it/index.php?id=2&L=0 (accessed 12 April 2020). On Lucca Statale 1436, see n. 91 below.

65 Berlin Lat. folio 557. The codex was written by several Italian Humanist cursive hands, and Kristeller proposed that Daniel Furlanus Cretensis, who studied medicine at Padua in the second half of the sixteenth century, copied Benvenuto da Imola's epitaph for Dante (fol. 211). The codex has a portrait of Poggio (fol. 1v) that Antonio Luciani engraved for Recanati's 1715 edition of Historia florentina, was owned by Carlo Morbio (1811–81), and was obtained by the ex-Königliche Bibl. in 1889. See Kristeller, Iter, 3:482b–83a; Sottili, Agostino, “I codici del Petrarca nella Germania Occidentale VII Appendice,” Italia medioevale e umanistica 18 (1975): 1726Google Scholar; Harth, Poggio Bracciolini Lettere (n. 28 above), 1:lvii–lix; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:87–88; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:10 (no. 100).

66 Munich Clm 6721. Heller owned the codex and wrote portions of it (fols. 138–258, titles for fols. 47–86 and 108–27). The codex dates to ca. 1450 and, according to Bertalot, has two other hands (A: fols 2–106, B: fols. 108–28). Later scholars suggest that Hand B may also be Heller. In his will of 1475, Heller bequeathed the codex to the cathedral library of Freising (no. 521). The codex, like Munich Clm 504 of Hermann Schedel, has for its nucleus an anthology of Paduan speeches that Heller first gathered for Munich Universitätsbibl. Quarto 768. See Bertalot, Ludwig, “Eine humanistische Anthologie: Die Handschrift 4˚ 768 der Universitätsbibliothek München,” Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus, ed. Kristeller, Paul Oskar (Rome, 1975), 1:3–6 and 71–75Google Scholar; and 2:449–50; Sottili, Studenti tedeschi (n. 16 above), 6; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:120–21; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:117 (no. 1606). Heller probably began the study of canon law at Vienna and eventually earned degrees in canon and civil law at Padua in 1449. He served as vicar for the bishop of Eichstätt from 1450–75, canon of the church of St. Andreas in Freising in 1458, and cathedral canon of Freising in 1468. Most scholars give 1475 as the year of Heller's death. In editing Bertalot's notes, Kristeller recorded a 1478 date on Heller's epitaph: “M. CCCC. LXX8 VIa M(ar)t(ii).” On Heller's career, see Belloni, Annalisa, “Johannes Heller e i suoi libri di testo: Uno studente tedesco a Padova nel Quattrocento tra insegnamento giuridico ufficiale e natio Theutonica,” Quaderni per la storia dell'Università di Padova 20 (1987): 5199Google Scholar.

67 Munich Clm 78. Dalle Valli wrote the bulk of this vast miscellany from 1451 to 1452 (fols. 19v, 122v, and 161), while Schedel and other German hands continued to add texts and a table of contents until 1481 (fols. 32, 254, and 259v). The codex has the coat of arms of Hartmann Schedel (fol. 242), and it later passed to Hans Jakob Fugger (1516–75) and Duke Albrecht V of Bavaria (1528–79), who incorporated the Fugger Library into his Court Library in 1571. See Bertalot, “Eine humanistische Anthologie” (n. 66 above), 1:5, 10, 13, 17, 42, 47–48, 53, and 77–82; Sanford, Eva Matthews, “Some Literary Interests of Fifteenth Century German Students,” Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 59 (1928): 9596CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Paul Lehmann, Eine Geschichte der alten Fuggerbibliotheken, Schwäbische Forschungsgemeinschaft bei der Kommission für Bayerische Landesgeschichte, Reihe 4, Band 3, 5: Studien zur Fuggergeschichte 12, 15 (Tübingen, 1959–60), 1:54–61; Sottili, Agostino, “I codici del Petrarca nella Germania Occidentale,” Italia medioevale e umanistica 12 (1969): 345–60Google Scholar; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:224–25; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:109–10; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:114 (no. 1575). On the humanist career of Hartmann Schedel, see Béatrice Hernad and Franz Josef Worstbrock, “Schedel, Hartmann,” in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters (n. 16 above), 8:609–21; and Reinhard Stauber, “Hartmann Schedel, der Nürnberger Humanistenkreis, und die ‘Erweiterung der deutschen Nation,’” in Diffusion des Humanismus: Studien zur nationalen Geschichtsschreibung europäischer Humanisten, ed. Johannes Helmrath, Ulrich Muhlack, and Gerrit Walther (Göttingen, 2002), 159–85.

68 Palat. lat. 1592. Johannes Maria de Berneriis finished copying the codex for his own use on 15 Nov. 1453 (fol. 140), most likely at the University of Pavia. From family pride, Johannes included the oration that Gerardo de Berneriis di Alessandria gave at the cathedral of Pavia in 1427 (fols. 132v–34). There is a letter dated 1449 on fol. 140v that was written by a second hand. On the Vatican codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 2:397b–98a; Besomi and Regoliosi, Laurentii Valle Epistole (n. 27 above), 70–71; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:194 (no. 2642); Wolfgang Metzger with Veit Probst, Die humanistischen, Triviums-, und Reformationshandschriften der Codices Palatini latini in der Vatikanischen Bibliothek (Cod. Pal. lat. 1461–1914), Kataloge der Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg 4 (Wiesbaden, 2002), 21–30; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:292–93; and the further comments below on the relationship of the Vatican codex to the Codex Bollea.

69 St. Pölten 63. The codex was written by several German Gothic hands, including that of Tröster, who added a subscription at Wiener Neustadt, 3 September 1454 (fol. 244). The pastedown on the rear cover has a note in a fifteenth-century hand that reads “Reverendo in Christo patri et domino, domino Udalrico.” Given that Tröster, a cathedral canon in Regensburg, donated some of his books for the use of the pastor and community of the Parish Church of St. Ulrich next to the Cathedral, this codex may be part of that donation. See n. 103 and n. 143 below. On the codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 3:49a–b; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:9–10; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:169 (no. 2302).

70 Munich Clm 522. The codex dates to ca. 1467–68 and has Hartmann Schedel's hand (fols. 2–209, 230v–33v, 256–71) and coat of arms (fols. 10 and 79). Agostino Sottili, “I codici del Petrarca nella Germania Occidentale,” Italia medioevale e umanistica 12 (1969): 461–67, suggests that Hartmann's brother Hermann may also have contributed to the writing (perhaps fols. 210–30 and 235–56). See also Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:114–15; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:116 (no. 1592). On the career of Hermann Schedel, see Bernhard Schnell, “Schedel, Hermann,” in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters (n. 16 above), 8:621–25.

71 Augsburg II.lat.1.quarto.33. Ambrosius Allantsee (d. 1505) copied the codex, added a summary table of contents on the front pastedown, and placed an owner's note on fol. 1. Allantsee became interested in humanism as a student in Basel, entered the Cluniac monastery of St. Alban, and later joined the Carthusians. The codex subsequently passed to the Benedictine (Cluniac) monastery of St. Mang in Füssen (fol. 1) and the princes Oettingen-Wallerstein at Schloss Harburg. Allantsee owned other codices now in Augsburg: II.lat.1.folio.8, II.lat.1.folio.93, II.lat.1.folio.94, II.lat.1.folio.103, II.lat.1.folio.128, II.lat.1.quarto.33. On Allantsee and the codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 3:571a; Agostino Sottili, “I codici del Petrarca nella Germania Occidentale,” Italia medioevale e umanistica 11 (1968): 368–75; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:86; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:4 (no. 24); Christoph Roth, Literatur und Klosterreform: Die Bibliothek der Benediktiner von St. Mang zu Füssen im 15. Jahrhundert, Studia Augustana 10 (Tübingen, 1999), 81–85; and Rosso, Paolo, “Tradizione testuale ed aree di diffusione della Cauteriaria di Antonio Barzizza,” Humanistica Lovaniensia 53 (2004): 2326Google Scholar.

72 Rome Vallicelliana F.20. The composite codex has four parts bound together and numbered continuously. A single Humanist cursive hand copied the miscellany with the Giustiniani oration (fols. 173–252). Ficino's secretary, Luca Fabiani, copied the translations from Porphyry and Michael Psellos and further material on demons (fols. 144–72v). Ficino then made his own corrections. On the codex and the patterns of Ficino's postille, see Kristeller, Paul Oskar, Supplementum Ficinianum (Florence, 1937), xlviiGoogle Scholar; Kristeller, Iter, 2:132b–33a; Lucia Gualdo Rosa, “Una prolusione inedita di Francesco Filelfo del 1429, rielaborata dal figlio Gian Mario nel 1467,” in Francesco Filelfo nel quinto centenario della morte (Atti del XVII Convegno di Studi Maceratesi, Tolentino, 27–30 settembre 1981), ed. Rino Avesani, Giuseppe Billanovich, Mirella Ferrari, and Giovanni Pozzi, Medioevo e umanesimo 58 (Padua, 1986), 302; Sebastiano Gentile, “Note sullo ‘scrittoio’ di Marsilio Ficino,” in Supplementum Festivum: Studies in Honor of Paul Oskar Kristeller, ed. James Hankins, John Monfasani, and Frederick Purnell, Jr., Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies 49 (Binghamton, NY, 1987), 380–81 (who identified the hand of Luca Fabiani); and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:165 (no. 2245).

73 Viterbo Capitolare 13. Pietro di Giovanni de’ Putomorsi (ca. 1390–before 22 Sept. 1459), who used the literary name Lunense/de Lunesana, copied texts into the manuscript from 1434 to 1441. In the sixteenth century, a second hand added marginalia. On the codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 2:305b; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:216 (no. 3010). Born at Fivizzano in the diocese of Luni around 1390, Pietro attended the Council of Constance and spent most of his life in service to the Papal State. As communal secretary (cancellarius) of Norcia, Putomorsi wrote to Bruni in 1434 (text in Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:394–95). He also served as chancellor of Viterbo and as papal secretary, and he made notes in Goodhart Gordan cod. 57, a codex copied for him by the Florentine scribe Giovanni di Piero da Stia (ca. 1406–74). For Pietro Putomorsi, see Hankins, “Bruni Manuscripts in North America” (n. 29 above), 59–61, 80; and Lucia Gualdo Rosa, “Pietro Putomorsi da Fivizzano, detto Pietro Lunense: Un corrispondente di Leonardo Bruni a Viterbo (tav. XXI–XXIV),” in Filologia umanistica per Gianvito Resta (n. 3 above), 2:1057–82. Using autograph archival documents, Gualdo Rosa confirmed Kristeller's suspicion that Pietro wrote the bulk of the Viterbo codex and then made notes in it.

74 BNCF Rossi-Cassigoli 372. A loose folio pasted into the codex (now fol. 98) has the subscription: “Scriptum per me Ieronimum Pistoriensem. Anno Domini M.CCCC.XLVI die XVI Augusti.” The leaf likely was separated from the end of the second fascicle with Valla's poems (fols. 26–43). The codex also has sonnets by Marco da Pistoia, one in praise of Valla, and Marco may have handed on Valla's poems to his fellow Pistoian Girolamo. Girolamo continued to enter texts into the codex until 1462, and his antiqua became more rounded over time. See Kristeller, Iter, 1:165b–66a, 5:594a–b; Francesco Lo Monaco, “Per un'edizione dei Carmina di Lorenzo Valla,” Italia medioevale e umanistica 29 (1986): 144–45, 158–61; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:66 (no. 910).

75 Elbłag Miejska Q.78, now lost. See Kristeller, Iter, 4:397b.

76 Brussels BR II.1443. The subscription of Johannes Divitis (d. ca. 1470), a Carthusian from Ghent, is found on fol. 166: “per me Johannem Divitis.” The codex dates to the middle of the fifteenth century, and it was later owned by the Jesuit College in Louvain and Thomas Phillipps (no. 8901). See Kristeller, Iter, 3:122b–23a; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:24–25; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:21 (no. 246). Johannes Divitis (Jean de Rycke) left a number of spiritual writings unpublished at his death. See Sweerts, Pierre François, Athenae Belgicae, sive Nomenclator Infer. Germaniae scriptorum, qui disciplinas philologicas, philosophicas, theologicas, iuridicas, medicas, et musicas illustrarunt (Antwerp, 1628), 419Google Scholar.

77 Venice Archivio di Stato Miscell. Codd., Ser. I, cod. Storia ven. 159 (formerly Misc. cod. 825). Fabius finished copying the oration of Giustiniani on 11 June 1463. He also copied Venice Marc. lat. II.83 (2200) in 1450 and BAV Ottob. lat. 1746. See Kristeller, Iter, 2:208a and 6:250a; Virginia Brown, The Textual Tradition of Caesar's Civil War (Leiden, 1972), 60; and Paul Jonathan Fedwick, (Basilius Caesariensis) The Homiliae Morales, Hexaemeron, De Litteris, with Additional Coverage of the Letters, Part 1, Manuscripts, Corpus Christianorum: Bibliotheca Basiliana Universalis 2 (Turnhout, 1996), 216.

78 Rome Corsiniana Corsin. 583. The codex has a terminus post quem of 1474. See Armando Petrucci, “Alcuni codici corsiniani di mano di Tommaso e Antonio Baldinotti,” Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Rendiconti, Classe di scienze morali, storiche, e filologiche, ser. 8, 11 (1956): 252–63; Kristeller, Iter, 2:110a–b; Harth, Poggio Bracciolini Lettere (n. 28 above), 1:lxix; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:162 (no. 2209).

79 BAV Regin. lat. 1612. At the end of a wedding speech of Filippo Podocataro, the codex has a note (fol. 48): “philippus scripsit, Ludovicus transscripsit.” The composite codex has fascicles from the mid-fifteenth to early sixteenth centuries written by at least eleven different hands. Fascicles III–IV (fols. 24–52) were written by Ludovicus. On the codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 2:409b; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:195 (no. 2666); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:297–98. Salamanca Univ. 64 also has Giustiniani's eulogy and Filippo Podocataro's “Oratio ad praetorem,” fols. 142–44 (fragm.). That codex belonged to individuals at the University of Salamanca in the fifteenth century (Juan Ruiz de Camargo and Alfonso de Ortiz). On Filippo (d. after 1495) and Ludovico Podocataro (1430–1504), together at Padua from ca. 1452–58, see Gianvito Resta, Giorgio Valagussa, umanista del Quattrocento, Miscellanea erudita 13 (Padua, 1964), 150–51; Betto, Bianca, “Nuove ricerche su studenti ciprioti all'Università di Padova,” Thesaurismata 23 (1993): 56, 58–59, 74–75, 80Google Scholar; Rudt de Collenberg, Wipertus H., “Les premiers Podocataro: recherches basées sur le testament de Hugues (1452),” Thesaurismata 23 (1993): 155, 165, 169–72Google Scholar; Forin, Elda Martellozzo, “Conti palatini e lauree conferite per privilegio: L'esempio padovano del secolo XV,” Annali di storia delle università italiane 3 (1999): 91Google Scholar; and D'Elia, Anthony F., “Marriage, Sexual Pleasure, and Learned Brides in the Wedding Orations of Fifteenth-Century Italy,” Renaissance Quarterly 55 (2002): 389–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

80 Ferrara Ariostea II.110. The codex was written by two Humanist cursive hands. The first copied fols. 1–7v and 141–44 and placed his initials on fol. 144: “A. L.” The second copied fols. 8–140 and dated texts “144VI, XXVI Aprilis” and “144VI quarto nonas Maii” (fols. 127v and 132v). The codex may have once belonged to Battista Panetti, O. Carm. A note on the second flyleaf reads “Ioseph de Carolis sibi et civibus.” A Giuseppe De Carolis (1652–1742) served as bishop of Aquino and Pontecorvo and titular archbishop of Tyana. See Kristeller, Iter, 1:57a–b; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:35 (no. 417); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:33–34.

81 Pisa Santa Caterina (Seminario Arcivescovile) 37, fol. 69. The bulk of the folios with the Giustiniani oration (fols. 63–68v) are now missing and only the concluding words survive. The scribe Tho. G. S. copied most of the codex (fols. 1–188v) from March to September of 1461 and completed the Giustiniani oration on 18 April. In 1471, he made additions that he placed at the beginning of the manuscript (fols. 1b–10b) and then added a table of contents. See Giuliana Crevatin, “La politica e la retorica: Poggio e la controversia su Cesare e Scipione. Con una nuova edizione della lettera a Scipione Mainenti,” in Poggio Bracciolini 1380–1980 (n. 2 above), 301; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:155 (no. 2117); Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:173–74; and the online entry of Gabriella Pomaro, based upon the catalog entry of Elisabetta Caldelli, at “Manus online: Censimento dei manoscritti delle biblioteche italiane,” available at: http://manus.iccu.sbn.it//opac_SchedaScheda.php?ID=0000190366 (accessed 21 March 2020).

82 Vienna Lat. 3315. The scribe is likely Johannes Nydenna de Confluentia (Koblenz) who was active in northern Italy ca. 1460–84. Nydenna may also have copied Berlin Kupferstichkabinett 78.D.13, Yale Marston 114, Copenhagen Gl.kgl.S. 2030 quarto, BL Add. 17523, Ambrosiana A 90 sup., J 91 sup., Vat. lat. 5160, Venice Marc. lat. X.60 (3174), Marc. lat. X.62 (3175), Vicenza Bertoliana 47, and Padua Capitolare C.76, D.11. On Johannes Nydenna, see Alexander, J. J. G. and de la Mare, Albinia C., The Italian Manuscripts in the Library of Major J. R. Abbey (London, 1969), 122–23Google Scholar.

83 BL Add. 15974. The subscriptions “S. M. Florentiae absolvit” are found on fols. 44 and 63; the same scribe may have copied Munich Clm 114. Though working in Florence late in the fifteenth century, the scribe appears to come from the Veneto. The codex was once owned by Rev. Henry Joseph Thomas Drury (1778–1841), a classical scholar and collector of manuscripts in Harrow (fol. IVv: “Hen. Drury Harroviae compactore C. Lewis”). James Orchard Halliwell (1820–89) obtained the codex from Drury or his heirs (fol. 74v) and then sold it to the bookseller Thomas Rodd, Jr. (1796–1849, fol. 74v). The codex entered the British Museum on 29 June 1846. Halliwell sold other codices that were later discovered, upon their entry into the British Museum in 1843–44, to have been pilfered from Trinity College Cambridge, but Halliwell claimed that he had bought them from a bookseller in London named John Denley. See Kristeller, Iter, 4:73b; De Ricci, English Collectors (n. 41 above), 98, 144–48; and Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:204–206.

84 Udine Arcivescovile 49. The codex is composite: its first part is a humanist miscellany on parchment and paper from the fifteenth century and its second part is a collection of mostly Ciceronian texts on parchment from the twelfth century. The scribe of the first part, “M. C.,” wrote in antiqua and placed his initials on fol. 49. On the codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 2:201a, 6:237a; Scalon, La biblioteca arcivescovile (n. 35 above), 118–20; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:182 (no. 2476); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:230–31. The hand differs from that of the professional scribe Milone da Carrara (1393–after 1447), who wrote a clear Semigothic script. For Milone's autograph, see de la Mare, Albinia and Hunt, Richard, “An Italian Scribe in England: Milo de Carraria,” in Duke Humfrey and English Humanism in the Fifteenth Century: Catalogue of an Exhibition Held in the Bodleian Library Oxford (Oxford, 1970)Google Scholar, plate XI. For M. C.'s autograph, see Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:Tav. LXX. On the career of Milone da Carrara, who copied manuscripts in Italy in 1437, in Cologne in 1444, in Bruges in 1445, and in London for the Greek physician Thomas Franc in 1447 (Ricc. 952), see Bertalot, “Iacobi Zeni Descriptio Coniurationis Patavine” (n. 16 above), 2:128–29; Kristeller, Iter, 6:258b; and De la Mare and Hunt, “Italian Scribe,” 13–14.

85 Parma Pal. 262. In addition to the principal scribe, Iop R., the codex has several other hands. On chronological grounds, Lucia Gualdo Rosa challenged Bertalot's suggestion that the scribe was Giobbe Resta. Giobbe Resta, secretary to Alexander V, was dead in 1419, as his brother Giona indicated in a letter to Bruni, yet the scribe Iop R. wrote subscriptions in 1449 in Marc. lat. XIV.31 (4701), fol. 20v, and in 1451 in Vat. lat. 3194, fol. 37. Bertalot himself left notes indicating that a Iob Resta, who corresponded with Barzizza, died in 1431, while Iop R. finished copying a Weimar codex in 1456 (cod. O.142). See Ludwig Bertalot, “Uno zibaldone umanistico latino del Quattrocento a Parma,” in Studien zum italienischen und deutschen Humanismus (Rome, 1975), 2:241–42; Kristeller, Iter, 2:35a–b; Gualdo Rosa, “Una prolusione inedita di Francesco Filelfo” (n. 72 above), 301; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:251–52; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:152 (no. 2070); and Clémence Revest, “Les ‘sympathisants’ de l'humanisme: le cas des frères Giobbe, Lazarino, et Giona Resta,” in Érudition et culture savante: de l'Antiquité à l’époque moderne, ed. François Brizay and Véronique Sarrazin (Rennes, 2015), 203–15.

86 Marc. lat. XIV.219 (4631), fol. 29v: “Datum Papie, 1435 2˚ nonas martias in Ruvalecha. Ego Brangotus scriba prelibati protho.(?) principis Ravacii Ruvalechani predicti(s?) omnibus et singulis interfui et omnia in putridum hoc breviarium sive strangulamentum redegi manuque propria me subscripsi, signumque meum apposui desuetum.” Zorzanello quotes the entire subscription addressed to Prince Ravacius Ruvalechanus, while the team publishing Bruni's letters gave an abbreviated version and called attention to its irreverent character. The codex continued to be used into the third quarter of the fifteenth century and has state letters that Antonius Illicinus (Antonio Ilicino / Antonio da Montalcino) wrote as secretary to Duke Federigo da Montefeltro. It came to the Marciana from Iacopo Morelli (no. 225). See Zorzanello, Catalogo dei codici latini, 3:310–14; Kristeller, Iter, 2:267a–b; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:213 (no. 2952); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:255–56. On Pisani and his comedy, see Remigio Sabbadini, Classici e umanistici da codici Ambrosiani, Fontes Ambrosiani 2 (Florence, 1933), 113–19; Perry, Jon Pearson, “A Fifteenth-Century Dialogue on Literary Taste: Angelo Decembrio's Account of Playwright Ugolino Pisani at the Court of Leonello d'Este,” Renaissance Quarterly 39 (1986): 618–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Marco Petoletti, “Ugolino Pisani lettore di Aristotele e la sua polemica ‘nascosta’ contro Leonardo Bruni traduttore dell’Ethica Nicomachea,” in Margarita amicorum: Studi di cultura europea per Agostino Sottili, ed. Fabio Forner, Carla Maria Monti, and Paul Gerhard Schmidt, Bibliotheca erudita: Studi e documenti di storia e filologia 26 (Milan, 2005), 2:879–81 and 887 n. 35. Pisani quoted Terence to underline his contempt for members of the faculty of law at Pavia: “ … et doctores illi, enervati ‘coruptelleque liberorum communes,’ ut Demea ad Mitionem Terencianum inquit (Adel. 793), patiuntur; sicque depravatum est omnino adulteratumque studium illud ob hec et multa alia deteriora.”

87 BNCF Naz. II.VIII.129. The humanist Rinuccio Aretino worked as a papal secretary and may have added texts to the miscellany for a period of thirty years, beginning in the late 1420s. The codex was written by eight hands, including Rinuccio himself and three scribes that he was known to have employed. The codex has several notes that read “Canonico Antonio Bardi. 1745,” and in 1850 Grand Duke Leopoldo II obtained the codex when the heirs of Pier Francesco Rinuccini (d. 1848) sold it. See Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:186–88; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:63 (no. 858); James Hankins, “A Zibaldone of Rinuccio Aretino,” Humanism and Platonism in the Italian Renaissance, vol. 1, Humanism, Raccolta di studi e testi 215 (Rome, 2003), 99–114; and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:85–87.

88 Marc. lat. XI.100 (3938) belonged to Benedictus de Ovetariis Vincentinus. Ovetari used the codex as his personal zibaldone, adding notes on portents that he had observed (fols. 268–69). According to his notes, Ovetari served as secretary to the king of Cyprus in 1454 and was still alive in 1459. The codex was later owned by Cardinal Imperiali, by Apostolo Zeno (no. 125) who left his books to the Observant Dominican Convent “alle Zattere,” and by Senator Lucchesini (Cesare? Giacomo?). On the codex, see Angiolgabriello di Santa Maria, O. Carm., Biblioteca e storia di quei scrittori così della città come del territorio di Vicenza, vol. 2.1, Dall'anno MCCCCX. di Cristo al MCCCCLXX. (Vicenza, 1772), 85–102; Zorzanello, Catalogo dei codici latini, 1:563–79; Kristeller, Iter, 2:255a–b, 6:259b; Harth, Poggio Bracciolini Lettere (n. 28 above), 1:lxiv; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:211 (no. 2930); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:242–43. Ovetari also owned BAV Urb. gr. 122 and Modena Est. gr. 82. See Allen, Thomas William, Notes on Greek Manuscripts in Italian Libraries (London, 1890), 10Google Scholar. Documents from his period of service in Cyprus are published in Louis de Mas Latrie, “Documents nouveaux servant de preuves à l'histoire de l’île de Chypre sous le règne des princes de la maison de Lusignan,” in Mélanges historiques: Choix de documents (Paris, 1882), 4:379–84 (from the Archivio di Stato, Venice), 391–92 (from Paris Lat. 11886); Adrien Pascal, Histoire de la maison royale de Lusignan (Paris, 1896), 96–97; and Rudt de Collenberg, “Les premiers Podocataro” (n. 79 above), 142, 151. A related Ovetari family intermarried with the Capodilista family of Padua and had Mantegna fresco the burial chapel of Antonio degli Ovetari in the church of the Eremitani. See Lightbown, Ronald W., Mantegna: With a Complete Catalogue of the Paintings, Drawings, and Prints (Berkeley, 1986), 3033Google Scholar.

89 BAV Ottob. lat. 1184 belonged to Iacobus Benedictus de Corradictis (de Piro). The ex libris on fol. 1 and a note on fol. 39v indicate that Giacomo Corradetti d'Apiro served as chancellor of Osimo in 1467. Giacomo added a table of contents to this manuscript (fol. 1r–v), copied portions of a codex at Osimo between 1454 and 1464 (formerly Recanati cod. 72), and also owned Ottob. lat. 1206 (copied by Nicolaus Mercurii in 1470), Ottob. lat. 1395, Ottob. lat. 1909, and Bologna Univ. 1419. Ottob. lat. 1184 was later owned by Cardinal Marcello Cervini (d. 1556), deposited with his assistant, Cardinal Guglielmo Sirleto (1514–85), probably owned by Cardinal Ascanio Colonna, then by Duke Giovanni Angelo Altemps (d. 1620), and eventually acquired by Cardinal Pietro Ottoboni (Pope Alexander VIII, d. 1691). See Kristeller, Iter, 2:416b, 428a–b, 434a, 559a, and 6:378a; Elisabeth Pellegrin and Jeannine Fohlen, Colette Jeudy, Yves-François Riou, with Adriana Marucchi, Les manuscrits classiques Latins de la Bibliothèque Vaticane, Documents, Études, et Répertoires publiés par l'Institut de Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes 21 (Paris, 1975), 1:466–68; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:189 (no. 2572), 190 (no. 2573).

90 Ambrosiana Sussidio H 52 (“Iste liber est mei Johannis Meltii et amicorum”). For Fonzio's formula, “Bartholomaei Fontii et amicorum,” see Stefano Caroti and Stefano Zamponi, Lo scrittoio di Bartolomeo Fonzio umanista fiorentino, Documenti sulle arti del libro 10 (Milan, 1974), 30. Caroti and Zamponi note that Poliziano and Francesco Pandolfini, Fonzio's heir, used a similar formula. On Giustiniani's version in Latin and Greek, see G. D. Hobson, “‘Et amicorum,’” The Library, 5th ser., 4 (1949): 93–94. For Erasmus, see Eden, Kathy, Friends Hold All Things in Common: Tradition, Intellectual Property, and the “Adages” of Erasmus (New Haven, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. BAV Vat. lat. 2936 has a bilingual possessor's note on fol. 1, indicating that the book belonged to Archangelus and his friends (“Hic liber est Archangeli καὶ τῶν φίλων”). Poggio cited the maxim in his oration for Zabarella. The Vatican codex was written by two hands in the first half of the fifteenth century. See Kristeller, Iter, 2:357b; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:202 (no. 2783); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:315–16. It has form letters and orations of Antonius de Pizzinis Padovenis and a speech of Antonio Carabello (d. after 1436), who taught rhetoric at the University of Padua from 1434–36. On Carabello, see Arnaldo Segarizzi, “Antonio Carabello umanista bergamasco del secolo XV,” Archivio storico lombardo 30, fasc. 40 (1903): 470–74; and Frank Rutger Hausmann, “Carabello, Antonio,” Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (n. 3 above), 19:300–301. Other codices with Carabello's writings include Ferrara Ariostea II.110, Munich Clm 459, Marc. lat. XII.139 (4452), Marc. lat. XIV.230 (4736), Marc. lat. XIV.256 (4634), and Vienna Lat. 3160. Ambrosiana Sussidio H 52 is a composite codex dating from the mid-fifteenth century, has at least two hands, later entered the library of Count Donato Silva (1690–1779), and was purchased by the Ambrosiana from the bookseller Vergani. See Kristeller, Iter, 1:347b–48a and 2:536b; Simona Brambilla, “Il codice Ambr. H 52 sussidio e l’Orthographia di Matteo Ronto,” in Nuove ricerche su codici in scrittura latina dell'Ambrosiana (Atti del Convegno, Milano, 6–7 ottobre 2005), ed. Mirella Ferrari and Marco Navoni, Bibliotheca erudita 31 (Milan, 2007), 229–31, 234, and 245–52; and Tino Foffano, “Inediti di Guarnerio Castiglioni da codici Ambrosiani,” Aevum 81 (2007): 686–88. Melzi was a Doctor of Law and wealthy Sforza courtier, who wrote on ethics and Christian morality and died after 1482. See, in addition to Foffano and Brambilla, Birnbaum, Marianna D., “Janus Pannonius, Bartolomeo Melzi, and the Sforzas,” Renaissance Quarterly 30 (1977): 45CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

91 Lucca Statale 1436. The codex has the texts that Guglielmo Rustichelli copied at Lucca (fols. 147v, 193), a letter dated 6 May 1438 (fol. 40), and an owner's note on the third flyleaf that is repeated on an end flyleaf: “Ego P. de Roncionibus emi hunc librum ab eo in cuius erat potestate ducatis duobus auri largis; dictos duos ducatos habuit S. Petrus S. Gerardi del Pitta die 26 aprilis 1466.” Owners after ser Piero Roncioni included Marzio di Iacopo Micheli in the seventeenth century and Cesare Lucchesini (1756–1834), both from Lucca. See Mancini, Augusto, “Index codicum Latinorum publicae bybliothecae Lucensis,” Studi italiani di filologia classica 8 (1900): 213–14Google Scholar; Kristeller, Iter, 1:260a–b and 6:20b; Marco Paoli, I codici di Cesare e Giacomo Lucchesini: Un esempio di raffinato collezionismo tra Settecento e Ottocento (Lucca, 1994), 18, 30, and 109–10; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:96 (no. 1308); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:115.

92 BAV Vat. lat. 1541 (fragm., expl. oculum amisit et hostes prostigavit <sic>). The codex was written by one hand in Semigothic script, a second hand added most of the Greek citations for which space was left, further hands made marginal notes, the codex was completed in 1456 at Lucca (fol. 131), and it is listed in the 1481 inventory of Sixtus's library (BAV Vat. lat. 3952, fol. 114). Rather than a name for the month, the copyist offered his lyric description: “ … Scriptus Luce, 2a mensis flores producentis 1456.” See Bartholomeus Nogara, Codices Vaticani Latini, vol. 3, Codd. 1461–2059 (Rome, 1912), 54–56; Pellegrin et al., Les manuscrits classiques latins (n. 89 above), 3.1:113–14; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:199 (no. 2728); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:308–309.

93 Siena H.VI.26, fol. 94v. James Hankins proposed that this is one of four manuscripts (Siena H.VI.26, Florence Naz. II.VIII.129 of Rinuccio Aretino, Berlin Lat. fol. 667, and Padua Semin. 35) with substantial portions of Bruni's letters in a pre-canonical redaction. See Hankins, “Notes on the Textual Tradition of Leonardo Bruni's Epistulae familiares,” Humanism and Platonism in the Italian Renaissance (n. 87 above), 1:63–76. See also notes 7 and 49 above.

94 Monteprandone M.54. On the codex, see Saturnino Loggi, I codici della Libreria di S. Giacomo della Marca nel Museo Civico di Monteprandone: Catalogo, Fondi storici nelle biblioteche marchigiane 9 (Monteprandone, 2000), xvii and 110–12. For Giacomo and his library, see Crivellucci, Amedeo, I codici della libreria raccolta da S. Giacomo della Marca nel convento di S. Maria delle Grazie presso Monteprandone (Livorno, 1889)Google Scholar; Paul Oskar Kristeller, “The Contribution of Religious Orders to Renaissance Thought and Learning,” in Medieval Aspects of Renaissance Thought, ed. and trans. Edward P. Mahoney, Duke Monographs in Medieval and Renaissance Studies 1 (Durham, NC, 1974), 123 and 140; and Loggi, I codici, xxvii–lii and 3–20.

95 Milan (formerly Asti), Archivio di Stato, lost “Codice Cibrario” or “Codice Castiglioni.” See Tommaso Verani, “Notizie del P. M. Giovacchino Castiglioni Milanese dell'Ordine de’ PP. Predicatori tratte da due codici del secolo XV,” Nuovo giornale de’ letterati d'Italia 43 (1790): 74–176; Aristide Calderini, “I codici milanesi delle opere di Francesco Filelfo,” Archivio storico lombardo 42.3 (1915): 383–84; Luciano Gargan, Lo studio teologico e la biblioteca dei Domenicani a Padova nel Tre e Quattrocento, Contributi alla storia dell'Università di Padova 6 (Padua, 1971), 78–80; Thomas Kaeppeli, with Emilio Panella, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum Medii Aevi (Rome, 1970–93), 2:372–73; Kristeller, “Contribution of Religious Orders” (n. 94 above), 134; Kristeller, Iter, 1:276a–b and 6:28b–30b; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:104 (no. 1408). Luigi Cibrario (1802–70) obtained the Asti codex with Castiglioni's writings and gave it to the Archivio di San Fedele in Milan on 8 February 1862, whence it passed to the state archives. See Maria Fubini Leuzzi, “Cibrario, Luigi,” Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (n. 3 above), 25:278–84. The Dominican convent of Santa Caterina originally owned Pisa Santa Caterina 37, and the Dominican convent of SS. Giovanni e Paolo once owned Venice Marc. lat. XI.9 (4516).

96 Marc. lat. XI.3 (4351). The codex was written by a single Humanist cursive hand, and the copyist left a note identifying himself on fol. 146v: “Iste liber est ad usum mei d. Gabrielis de Busco canonici regularis et per me scriptus ad utilitatem meam fratrumque meorum.” In keeping with Gabriel's wishes, the codex remained in the possession of his convent of San Michele di Candiana near Padua, and, in 1600, according to a note, the canon Albertus Brixiensis consulted the codex on the feast of Thomas Aquinas (fol. 149). In 1782, the Canons Regular of San Salvatore were suppressed, and their books were temporarily stored at the former Jesuit residence in Venice. In June of 1784, Iacopo Morelli picked out twenty manuscripts from Candiana for the Marciana. On the codex and the library of Candiana, see Zorzanello, Catalogo dei codici latini, 1:435–39; Kristeller, Iter, 2:238a–b and 6:255a; Zorzi, La Libreria, 294–95; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:314–15; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:210 (no. 2920).

97 Paris BN Ital. 353. The manuscript has texts from the fifteenth century in a Chancery hand and texts from the latter part of the sixteenth century. The possessor's note of Michael de Ursinis is found at the end. On the codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 3:309a; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:140 (no. 1916). A member of the Canons Regular, Orsini obtained a law degree at Padua (1442–44), became prior of the monastery of Sant'Antonio Abate in Venice in 1449, participated in the scholarly circle of Iacopo Antonio Marcello (ca. 1398–ca. 1464), and held the bishopric of Pola in Istria (1475–97). Shortly before his death, Orsini unsuccessfully and illegally tried to cede the bishopric to his nephew. For his career, see Babinger, Franz, “Notes on Cyriac of Ancona and Some of His Friends,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 25 (1962): 321–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; King, Venetian Humanism (n. 3 above), 292, 415–16; and King, The Death of the Child Valerio Marcello (Chicago, 1994), 14, 41–44, and 222–24.

98 The following codices were once owned by Jesuit institutions: Brussels BR II.1443 (College of Louvain), Milan Braidense A.G.IX.43, Einsiedeln 399 (from Jesuit College of Bellinzona to the Benedictines in 1675), BAV Ross. 784 (College of Vienna-Lainz), and possibly Macerata 381 (5, 3.D.8).

99 Ferrara Ariostea cod. II.135. The composite codex has a partial table of contents (fol. IVv) and an ex libris that notes the day of Panetti's death (“ … qui die 27 martii obiit,” fol. IV). The codex was written by five hands, including Panetti (fols. 68–72v) and perhaps Ludovico Carbone, who did add marginal notes in red pencil to works of Leonardo Bruni (fols. 137v–283v). The final folios of the miscellany have a letter from Sixtus IV to Doge Giovanni Mocenigo and a response by the doge's secretary, Pietro Bianco, dated 1483. See Kristeller, Iter, 1:57b–58a; Chiappini, Alessandra, “Fermenti umanistici e stampa in una biblioteca ferrarese del secolo XV,” La Bibliofilia 85 (1983): 310Google Scholar; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:181; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:36 (no. 420); Andreasi, Claudia, “La biblioteca di frate Giovanni Battista Panetti Carmelitano,” Medioevo e Rinascimento 14 (2000): 195–96 and 202–203Google Scholar; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:35–36; and the online entry of Mirna Bonazza at “Manus online: Censimento dei manoscritti delle biblioteche italiane,” available at: http://manus.iccu.sbn.it//opac_SchedaScheda.php?ID=0000051419 (accessed 23 March 2020). There is also a letter of Lucio di Visso in the codex (fols. 7v–9); for other codices with his letters, see Scarcia Piacentini, “Un fantasma” (n. 31 above), 233–34 and 237–39.

100 Casarsa, D'Angelo, and Scalon, La Libreria di Guarnerio (n. 15 above), 319–21 (Cingoli's copy) and 393–96 (autograph of Guarnerio and two other scribes).

101 Armando Petrucci, “Baldinotti, Tommaso,” Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (n. 3 above), 5:493–95.

102 On Heller and the Munich codex, see note 66 above. Belloni, Annalisa, “Diffusione delle opere di Baldo a Padova a metà Quattrocento,” Ius Commune: Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Europäische Rechtsgeschichte, Frankfurt am Main 27 (2000): 377–91Google Scholar, discussed thirty-five law manuscripts that once belonged to Heller, of which thirty-four went from the Freising Cathedral Library to the Munich Staatsbibliothek and one to Berlin. For Heller's role in transmitting texts of Leonardo Bruni to Germany, see Frank Rutger Hausmann, “Manoscritti di Leonardo Bruni nella Repubblica Democratica Tedesca e nella Repubblica Federale Tedesca meridionale,” in Per il censimento dei codici (n. 29 above), 93.

103 With the encouragement of Johannes Roth, Tröster wrote a Dialogus de remedio amoris, which he originally dedicated to the imperial secretary, Wolfgang Forchtenauer. A first redaction of the Dialogus (1454) is preserved in St. Pölten 63, Palat. lat. 1794 (Kristeller, Iter, 2:395b), and Stuttgart Poet. et Philol. folio 25; a second redaction (1456) is preserved in Kremsmünster 10, Munich Clm 519, Nuremberg Cent. V.App.15, and Uppsala C.918. See Rosso, “Tradizione testuale ed aree di diffusione” (n. 71 above), 18–20, 37. Tröster specified that the books he gave to the Church of St. Ulrich were for the use of the pastor. See Paul Lehmann, “Dr. Johannes Tröster ein humanistisch gesinnter Wohltäter bayerischer Büchersammlungen,” in idem, Erforschung des Mittelalters: Ausgewählte Abhandlungen und Aufsätze (Stuttgart, 1961), 336–45; Braungart, Georg, “De Remedio Amoris: Ein Motiv und seine Traditionen von der Antike bis Enea Silvio Piccolomini und Johannes Tröster,” Archiv für Kulturgeschichte 62–63 (1980–81): 23–27Google Scholar; and Franz Josef Worstbrock, “Tröster, Johannes,” in Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters (n. 16 above), 9:1078–83.

104 BL Cotton Tiberius B.VI. On the codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 4:671b–72b (written in England); Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:144–45, where the hand is characterized as Gothic of English origin; Martin Davies, “L'epistolario di Leonardo Bruni: Per un catalogo dei codici britannici,” in Per il censimento dei codici (n. 29 above), 3, who says that the humanist anthology was copied in London from Harley 2268, which Davies thinks may be Flemish; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:90 (no. 1239), who suggests that the codex may have been copied at the Council of Basel. For Bekynton's career, see Weiss, Roberto, Humanism in England During the Fifteenth Century (Oxford, 1941), 7175Google Scholar (cf. the 4th edition, ed. David Rundle and Anthony John Lappin, chapters 4 and 5, 110–17, published by The Society for the Study of Medieval Languages and Literature online 2009, available at: aevum.space/system/files/weiss_instalment_iii.pdf [accessed 21 March 2020]); Joel Thomas Rosenthal, “The Training of an Elite Group: English Bishops in the Fifteenth Century,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, n.s., 60.5 (1970): 11, 13, 15–17, 23–27, 30–33, 36–40, 43–44, 46–48, and 50–51; de la Mare, Albinia and Hunt, Richard, “Bekynton, Chaundler, and New College,” in Duke Humfrey and English Humanism in the Fifteenth Century: Catalogue of an Exhibition Held in the Bodleian Library Oxford (Oxford, 1970), 1523Google Scholar, who challenged Weiss's claim that Bekynton reformed the Latin of official English correspondence; and Petrina, Alessandra, Cultural Politics in Fifteenth-Century England: The Case of Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester (Leiden, 2004), 200 and 348–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On behalf of the king, Bekynton responded to a letter that Bruni wrote for the Florentine Republic in 1430. David Rundle questioned whether the Cottonian manuscript should be associated with Bekynton. See Rundle, “Of Republics and Tyrants” (n. 56 above), 412–13.

105 Von Kraiburg's role as bishop from 1467–77 has been emphasized by the editors of Bruni's personal correspondence. See Hausmann, “Manoscritti di Leonardo Bruni,” 95; and Gualdo Rosa, “Introduzione,” Censimento, 1:xxxiii.

106 Strängnäs Domkyrkobibl. 7 (F.7). The codex was written in Italy, most likely at Perugia before 1460, and it has several hands. On the codex, see Henricus Amanson, Bibliotheca Templi Cathedralis Strengnesensis, quae maximam partem ex Germania capta est circa finem belli triginta anni (Stockholm, 1863), 4 and 43 (orations copied by Rogge); Kristeller, Iter, 5:16a–b; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:175 (no. 2377). For Rogge's career, see Jan Öberg, “Vom Humanismus zum Traditionalismus: Die Einwirkung der politischen, gesellschaftlichen, und kirchlichen Verhältnissen auf das Kulturleben in Schweden am Beispiel von Kort Rogge (um 1420–1501),” in Ut Granum Sinapis: Essays on Neo-Latin Literature in Honour of Jozef Ijsewijn, ed. Gilbert Tournoy and Dirk Sacré, Supplementa Humanistica Lovaniensia 12 (Leuven, 1997), 24–38.

107 Milan Ambrosiana C 141 inf. The codex has two independent folios bound at the start and was written by several hands. A letter of Giovanni Francesco Marliani from 1524 was added on fol. 195r–v. See Kristeller, Iter, 1:319b–20a; and the online entry prepared by Massimo Menna from data in the Inventario Ceruti, “Manus online: Censimento dei manoscritti delle biblioteche italiane,” available at: https://manus.iccu.sbn.it//opac_SchedaScheda.php?ID=31300 (accessed 23 March 2020).

108 BAV Ross. 784. The codex was copied by a single Italian hand in Semigothic script and has a possessor's note on fol. 1 (parchment): “Liber iste Ethicorum Yconomicorum et aliorum operum Aristotelis transductus per Leonardum Aretinum est mei Cardinalis Firmani Manu propria.” In 1842, Giovan Francesco De Rossi bought 224 manuscripts from the library of the Collegio Capranica in Rome. After De Rossi's death in 1854, his widow, Princess Luisa Carlotta (1802–57) of the house of Bourbon, fulfilled his wishes a year later by giving his library, under the Emperor's protection, to the Jesuits in Rome. The library was transported to Vienna in 1877 and, with the Emperor's permission in 1895, the Jesuits moved the books to their residence at Lainz. See Gollob, Eduard, Die Bibliothek des Jesuitenkollegiums in Wien XIII. (Lainz) und ihre Handschriften (Vienna, 1909), 1–9 and 26–27Google Scholar; Kristeller, Iter, 2:467a; A. V. Antonovics, “The Library of Cardinal Domenico Capranica,” in Cultural Aspects of the Italian Renaissance: Essays in Honour of Paul Oskar Kristeller, ed. Cecil H. Clough (Manchester, 1976), 143 (no. 179) and 148; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:196 (no. 2684); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:302–303.

109 Philadelphia Univ. of Pennsylvania Lat. 7, with a note on fol. 105 that Curti owned the codex in Milan in 1484. Fol. 105v also has a note, “Pillule Magistri Antonii Cermisoni.” Antonio Cermisone earned his medical degree at Padua in 1390 and taught at the University of Pavia. In the twentieth century, the University of Pennsylvania codex was owned by Ludwig Bertalot, Dean P. Lockwood (1946), and William H. Allen (1947), who sold the codex to the library. On the codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 5:372a–b; Dutschke, Census of Petrarch Manuscripts (n. 13 above), 247–52; Hankins, “Bruni Manuscripts in North America” (n. 29 above), 83; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:253; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:154 (no. 2112). See also the “Digital Scriptorium” website, available at: http://ds.lib.berkeley.edu/Ms.Codex0829_27 (accessed 22 March 2020). The Lombard humanist Curti claimed to have written over 60,000 works, including poetry under the patronage of Ludovico Sforza (il Moro). After Ludovico's fall Curti provocatively spurned French fashion and literary style, though he did continue to frequent learned circles and accept government posts. See Eduardo Melfi, “Curti, Lancino,” Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (n. 3 above), 31:487–88; and Stefano Meschini, Uno storico umanista alla corte sforzesca: Biografia di Bernardino Corio, Biblioteca di storia moderna e contemporanea 8 (Milan, 1995), 10–11, 137–38, and 190–203.

110 Grendler, Marcella, “A Greek Collection in Padua: The Library of Gian Vincenzo Pinelli (1535–1601),” Renaissance Quarterly 33 (1980): 386–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

111 Paris BN Lat. 7868. The owner's note is found on fol. 238v: “Iste liber fuit ad usum mei Iampetri Veneti deputatus.” See Kristeller, Iter, 3:222b–23a; and Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:248. The codex has a rare work by the Venetian and papal military administrator, Chierighino Chiericati (d. 1477). After resigning his position as inspector-general of the papal army under Paul II, Chiericati wrote a short treatise on logistics in 1471 to win the favor of Cardinal Latino Orsini (for whom Chiericati professed little respect in his private correspondence). Chiericati's hopes of winning back his post in the new administration of Sixtus IV were not realized. On Chiericati's career, see Zorzi, Giangiorgio, “Un vicentino alla corte di Paolo Secondo: Chiereghino Chiericati e il suo Trattatello della Milizia,” Nuovo archivio veneto 30 (1915): 369424Google Scholar; Michael E. Mallett, “Chiericati, Chierighino,” Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (n. 3 above), 24:673–74; and Mallett, Michael E. and Hale, J. R., The Military Organization of a Renaissance State: Venice, c. 1400–1617 (Cambridge, 1988), 106–13, 123–26Google Scholar, and 154 n. 2. When editing the short treatise, Zorzi used a manuscript then in the possession of Conte Gabriele Chiericati-Salvioni.

112 Giorgio Ronconi attributed Ambrosiana D 93 sup. to the scriptorium of Palazzolo and argued that it derives from texts that Palazzolo chose to put together. See Ronconi, “Il giurista Lauro Palazzolo, la sua famiglia, e l'attività oratoria, accademica, e pubblica (2 tavole genealogiche),” Quaderni per la storia dell'Università di Padova 17 (1984): 1 and 33–65. On Ambrosiana D 93 sup., see also Kristeller, Iter, 1:330a–b; Louis Jordan and Susan Wool, Inventory of Western Manuscripts in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana from the Medieval Institute of the University of Notre Dame: The Frank M. Folson Microfilm Collection, Publications in Medieval Studies 22.1– (Notre Dame, IN, 1984–), 2:191–202; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:210; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:105 (no. 1430); and Carlo Maria Monti, “Umanesimo visconteo e lettere di cancelleria in codici miscellanei dell'Ambrosiana,” in Nuove ricerche su codici in scrittura latina dell'Ambrosiana (n. 93 above), 190–91. Ambrosiana D 93 sup. and C 145 inf. (a similar compendium from Palazzolo's scriptorium) are related to BL Arundel 70, Munich Universitätsbibl. Folio 607, Munich Universitätsbibl. Quarto 768 of Johannes Heller, Munich Clm 504 of Hermann Schedel, Palat. lat. 492, Treviso Capitolare I.177, Trier 1879/74, and Vienna Lat. 3330. Some of the common elements likely served as models for the study of rhetoric in central and northern Italy in the middle of the fifteenth century and trace their pedagogical lineage through Giovanni Lamola back to Guarino and Barzizza. Munich Folio 607 dates to the middle of the fifteenth century. The German scribe who copied the codex did not understand the texts, and a second hand made many corrections. Fittingly, a codex whose origins can be traced to university studies passed from the Universitätsbibliothek of Ingolstadt to that of Landshut and finally to that of Munich. See Kristeller, Iter, 3:648a–49a; Natalia Daniel, Gerhard Schott, and Peter Zahn, Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften der Universitätsbibliothek München, vol. 3.2, Die lateinischen mittelalterlichen Handschriften aus der Folioreihe (Wiesbaden, 1979), 107–16; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:232–33; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:132; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:119 (no. 1638). Trier 1879/74 was written in Italy by two hands, the first of which is German (fols. 1–152), it has a terminus post quem of 10 July 1451, it was in the possession of the Benedictine monastery of Sts. Eucharius and Matthias by the end of the fifteenth century, and it passed to the city in 1802–1803. On the Trier codex, see Bertalot, “Eine humanistische Anthologie” (n. 66 above), 1:77–82; Kristeller, Iter, 3:719b–20a; Agostino Sottili, “I codici del Petrarca nella Germania Occidentale,” Italia medioevale e umanistica 14 (1971): 382–84; Fubini, “Il ‘teatro del mondo,’” in Poggio Bracciolini 1380–1980 (n. 2 above), 97; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:302; and Petrus Becker, ed., Die Benediktinerabtei St. Eucharius – St. Matthias vor Trier, Germania Sacra, Neue Folge, 34 / Die Bistümer der Kirchenprovinz Trier / Das Erzbistum Trier 8 (Berlin, 1996), 203. On Vienna Lat. 3330, which was written in Gothic script by a German scribe and has Giustiniani's eulogy among its approximately 370 orations and letters, see Tabulae Codicum Manuscriptorum praeter Graecos et Orientales in Bibliotheca Palatina Vindobonensi Asservatorum (Vienna, 1864–99), 2:261; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:330–31; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:221–22 (no. 3070). Gianni Zippel argued that Arundel 70, Munich Universitätsbibl. Folio 607, and Vienna Lat. 3330 are exemplars of a German anthology of Paduan origins that are independent of each other but part of a single tradition. See Zippel, Gianni, “Review of Agostino Sottili, Studenti tedeschi e umanesimo italiano nell'Università di Padova durante il Quattrocento,” Quaderni per la storia dell'Università di Padova 7 (1974): 8587 n. 15Google Scholar. In collating manuscripts with a text of Ciriaco d'Ancona, Liliana Monti Sabia found that the versions in Arundel 70 and Munich Folio 607 came from anthologies with the same humanist works in the same order in both, were both copied by German Gothic hands, both had 42 lines per page, and both had identical texts of Ciriaco's “Naumachia” and identical errors. Nonetheless, neither is a copy of the other, but both derive from a common exemplar. See Liliana Monti Sabia, “Altri codici della Naumachia Regia di Ciriaco d'Ancona,” in Ciriaco d'Ancona e la cultura antiquaria dell'Umanesimo (Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Studio, Ancona, 6–9 febbraio 1992), ed. Gianfranco Paci and Sergio Sconocchia, Accademia Marchigiana di Scienze, Lettere, ed Arti, Collana “Progetto Adriatico” 2 (Reggio Emilia, 1998), 241–46; and Kyriaci Anconitani Naumachia Regia, ed. Monti Sabia, Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento Meridionale, Studi 11 (Pisa, 2000), 28–35.

113 Palat. lat. 1592 shares with the “Codex Bollea” a high percentage of the letters it preserves (121 of 181 total in the Vatican codex). Around 1440–50, the codex Bollea was copied by Antonius de Marchixiis, a canon of Sant'Eusebio in Vercelli, and continued from 1461–84 by Thomas de Vercellis, a member of the Augustinian Canons Regular of the Lateran, whose monastery of Santa Maria di Crea (Monferrato) inherited the codex at the end of the fifteenth century. In 1899, Luigi Cesare Bollea (1877–1933) obtained the codex from an anonymous female aristocrat and described its contents before he sold it to Ludwig Bertalot in 1929. Bertalot split the codex into two pieces and sold them separately to the Stadt- und Universitätsbibl. in Frankfurt am Main in 1931 (Lat. oct. 136) and the ex-Preußische Staatsbibl. in Berlin in 1935 (Lat. oct. 431). The original codex had 353 letters and six other works. See Bollea, “Un codice umanistico vercellese,” Bollettino storico-bibliografico subalpino 26 (1924): 222–310; Ursula Jaitner-Hahner, “Per la fortuna del ‘Codice Bollea,’” in Per il censimento dei codici (n. 29 above), 99–111; and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:101–103 and 131.

114 Harley 2268. The codex dates to the second quarter of the fifteenth century, has several hands (perhaps English, French, Italian, and Flemish), supplied humanist texts for Cotton Tiberius B.VI, has Bruni letters in common with Brussels BR II.1443 as well, was in the monastery's possession by the late fifteenth century, and passed to Orwyll shortly thereafter (fol. 121, last flyleaf). There is also an owner's note for “Tho. Knyght” in the seventeenth century. See Kristeller, Iter, 4:157b–58a; Mann, “Petrarch Manuscripts in the British Isles” (n. 56 above), 268–69; Davies, “L'epistolario di Leonardo Bruni” (n. 104 above), 1–3; Lucia Gualdo Rosa, “Le lettere familiari di Leonardo Bruni: Alcuni esempi della loro diffusione in Italia nel primo Quattrocento,” in Per il censimento dei codici (n. 29 above), 38–39; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:208; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:145; Rundle, “Of Republics and Tyrants” (n. 56 above), 393–414; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:90 (no. 1245). See further below on John Covel.

115 Foligno Jacobilli C.IV.10. The codex was principally written by two hands, the first an Italian hand in antiqua (fols. 1–101), the second a more cursive script with Gothic elements (fols. 102–98). It is missing the first fascicle and has a terminus post quem of 1443. A note on fol. 207 reads: “ … Noto ego priolo(?) como abia misso con tre presenti lo capitulo de Santa Maria delli nove docati.” See Kristeller, Iter, 5:629b–30b; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:195–96; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:75 (no. 1046); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:108–109.

116 BL Add. 11760. Kaeppeli, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum (n. 95 above), 2:337–38 and 4:135–36, supplies information on Iacobus, who was from Acquamela near Salerno and served as Procurator General of the Dominican Order in Rome from 1434 until his death in 1449. The only surviving literary work of Iacobus that Kaeppeli catalogs is a sermon on St. Francis preserved in Add. 11760.

117 BL Harley 4094. The codex was written in Italy, perhaps at a north Italian university, has Humanist cursive hands, and has letters dated 1441 and 1442. In and around 1502, another hand added orations and recipes on the last folios. On the codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 4:178b–79b; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:153; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:93 (no. 1277). A Pietro Piazza served as governor of Piacenza for Duke Filippo Maria Visconti. See Rosmini, Carlo de’, Vita di Francesco Filelfo da Tolentino (Milan, 1808), 1:102–103Google Scholar.

118 Milan Braidense A.G.IX.43. The codex has a terminus post quem of 1466 and contains letters of Paolo Maffei to Francesco Barbaro and others. It was once in the possession of Santa Maria della Passione in Milan. Paolo Maffei was born at Verona around 1380, studied under Gasparino Barzizza, entered the Reformed Canons Regular (Lateran Canons) in 1409, and died in 1452. See Kristeller, Iter, 1:358b–59a; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:218; and Isabella Gagliardi, Li trofei della croce: L'esperienza gesuata e la società lucchese tra Medioevo ed Età Moderna, Centro Alti Studi in Scienze Religiose 3 (Rome, 2005), 100–104.

119 Padua Museo Civico B. P. 1223. The codex was written by a single north Italian hand in Semigothic script. It has a rare invective by Bravo against Andronikos Kallistos (1400–86), published by James Hankins, “Humanist Crusaders: Humanist Crusade Literature in the Age of Mehmed II,” Humanism and Platonism in the Italian Renaissance (n. 87 above), 1:417–19. Hankins attributes the marginalia on pages 27 and 128 to Matteo Palmieri, but I would propose that they may be the scribe's cross-references to relevant passages in Palmieri's writings. See Kristeller, Iter, 2:23a–b; John M. McManamon, Pierpaolo Vergerio the Elder and Saint Jerome: An Edition and Translation of “Sermones pro Sancto Hieronymo,” Medieval & Renaissance Texts & Studies 177 (Tempe, AZ, 1999), 35–40; and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:368.

120 Turin BN H.III.8. On the Venetian codex, written by several Humanist cursive hands, see Kristeller, Iter, 2:181a–b; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:300; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:179 (no. 2431); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:220. A Guglielmo della Pigna studied with Guarino, perhaps before 1403, earned a degree in law, and corresponded with Guarino later in life (letters in Florence Ricc. 779, fols. 371–75). See Sabbadini, Remigio, La scuola e gli studi di Guarino Guarini Veronese (con 44 documenti) (Catania, 1896), 89Google Scholar. On the funeral oration for Fantino Valaresso, archbishop of Crete, that Giacomo da Alessandria gave in 1443 and that is preserved in the Turin codex, see McManamon, Funeral Oratory (n. 2 above), 73, 148, and 273.

121 BAV Borg. lat. 214. The paper codex dates from the late fifteenth century and has the funeral and wedding speeches published by Gregorio Britannico (fols. 225–307). A letter from Paulus Porfirius Bononiensis to his nephew Lucius is inserted on a parchment folio (fol. 26r–v). See Kristeller, Iter, 2:439b–40a and 6:386a; and Kaeppeli, Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum (n. 95 above), 2:53–54.

122 Verona Capitolare CLIII (141). The latest text in the codex dates to 1448. Maggio Maggi (Madius Veronensis / Mazo de’ Mazi, d. 1445), a notary and lawyer from Verona, nurtured his friendship with Guarino through correspondence and played a role in the civic and diplomatic affairs of Verona. On the codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 2:295a; Francesco Scarcella, “Maggio Maggio giurista veronese,” in Atti e memorie dell'Accademia di Agricoltura, Scienze, e Lettere di Verona, ser. 6, 29 (1977–78): 247–58; and Giovanni Cavarzere, “L'umanesimo veronese nei manoscritti della Biblioteca Capitolare di Verona: Per un catalogo,” (Tesi di laurea, Univ. degli Studi di Verona, 1998), xiv. For the career of Maggi, see Sabbadini, La scuola e gli studi (n. 120 above), 3, 20, 130, 137, 154, 184–86, and 190–91; Rino Avesani, “Verona nel Quattrocento: La civiltà delle lettere,” in Verona e il suo Territorio, vol. 4.1–2, Verona nel Quattrocento (Verona, 1984), 4.2:10–13; and Pade, The Reception of Plutarch's “Lives” (n. 60 above), 1:216–18.

123 Einsiedeln 399 (308). The codex had its origins in the Veneto and was written by several hands. In the seventeenth century, it formed part of the Jesuit College Library at Bellinzona, which the Benedictines of Einsiedeln acquired in 1675. In the eighteenth century, the Benedictines moved the books to their motherhouse. Testa was a student of “A(ntonius) de Pisis,” served as chancellor to the podestà of Treviso, and later as chancellor of Modon. A codex formerly in Recanati and copied by Giacomo Corradetti d'Apiro had an oration “pro magistro Antonio de Pisis ad Comunitatem Pistorii.” See Kristeller, Iter, 2:559a and 5:106a; and Besomi, “Codici petrarcheschi nelle biblioteche svizzere” (n. 59 above), 402–403.

124 BAV Chis. J.IV.118. The codex dates to the fifteenth century and was written in Chancery and Semigothic scripts. It has for its provenance the Aniciana Library in Rome (cod. R.6.58), part of the Benedictine house of studies that Costantino Gaetano established in 1621 in Trastevere, the neighborhood of the city where the Anicii family had lived in antiquity. In 1641, when the Collegium experienced financial difficulties, Gaetano handed the school over to Propaganda Fidei, but the English Benedictines obtained possession once again in 1658. Nonetheless, when Gaetano died in 1650, the Aniciana Library passed to Propaganda Fidei, where it remained only a short time until Pope Alexander VII Chigi moved most of the books in 1666 to his new Bibl. Alessandrina at the Sapienza. The pope kept a few chests of books and documents for his family library, and this codex finished in one of the papal chests, eventually acquiring a Chisianus shelfmark in the Vatican Library. See José Ruysschaert, “Costantino Gaetano, O.S.B., chasseur de manuscrits: Contribution à l'histoire de trois bibliothèques romaines du XVIIe s., l'Aniciana, l'Alessandrina, et la Chigi,” in Mélanges Eugène Tisserant, vol. 7, Bibliothèque Vaticane (Deuxième partie), Studi e Testi 237 (Vatican City, 1964), 261–63, 271, and 316; Kristeller, Iter, 2:482a; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:187 (no. 2541).

125 Harley 2268, which is not, however, listed among the manuscripts in Covel's catalog for the sale. On the Harley family and their library, see De Ricci, English Collectors (n. 41 above), 33–38; and “Harley Manuscripts: History of the Harley Library,” available at: http://www.bl.uk/reshelp/findhelprestype/manuscripts/harleymss/harleymss.html (accessed 2 April 2020).

126 On Recanati, see Zorzi, La Libreria, 250–52. Recanati also ceded some of his codices to Iacopo Soranzo (1686–1761).

127 Marc. lat. XI.100 (3938). The original nucleus of around 3,000 books in Imperiali's library came from his great-uncle, Cardinal Lorenzo (1606–73). Imperiali enriched the collection by acquiring around 1690–91 some 10,000 of the 21,000 books from the library of Cardinal Jean-Gautier de Sluse (1628–87) and around 1710 some 2,000 books from the library of Monsignor Marcello Severoli (1633–1707). Though Imperiali had bequeathed his codices for public use, many of his books were auctioned in Rome from 1793–96. Fontanini became librarian for Imperiali in 1697 and fourteen years later published the first edition of his catalog of the library: Bibliothecae Josephi Renati ImperialisCatalogus secundum auctorum cognomina ordine alphabetico dispositus, una cum altero catalogo scientiarum et artium (Rome, 1711). See Cancedda, Flavia, Figure e fatti intorno alla biblioteca del cardinale Imperiali, mecenate del ‘700 (Rome, 1995), 33102Google Scholar; and Stefano Tabacchi, “Imperiali, Giuseppe Renato,” Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (n. 3 above), 62:306.

128 Marc. lat. XIV.45 (4595). Fontanini studied at the Jesuit College in Gorizia, where he developed a lifelong dislike for the Jesuits. His vain and feisty personality gained him many enemies, especially Ludovico Antonio Muratori. They debated whether Ludovico Castelvetro (ca. 1505–1571) was a heretic. Two short works of Castelvetro were copied into the Marciana codex in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century. Fontanini had possession of the composite Marciana codex in 1730, and texts were added to the manuscript in the eighteenth century. After Fontanini's death, the Imperiali family filed suit to block the removal of Fontanini's books from Rome, but they lost and, in 1737, the books were crated for transport to Friuli. However, the Venetian ambassador in Rome, Alvise Mocenigo, took possession of the books and brought them to Venice where the Venetian authorities examined them. The Venetians took fifty-eight codices and removed them from circulation (most are now in the Marciana), another block went to the library in Fontanini's hometown of San Daniele (codices 205–271), and still others were scattered widely after his heirs sold them. See Zorzanello, Catalogo dei codici latini, 3:65–68; Kristeller, Iter, 2:263b and 6:261a; Zorzi, La Libreria, 273–76; and Dario Busolini, “Fontanini, Giusto,” Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (n. 3 above), 48:747–52.

129 Marc. lat. XI.100 (3938) and Marc. lat. XI.101 (3939). The first folio of Marc. lat. XI.101 is richly decorated and has the Este coat of arms. The codex was written by a single Semigothic hand. Zorzanello contrasts the rich decoration of the codex to its inaccurate copying. On the codices, see Zorzanello, Catalogo dei codici latini, 1:563–79 and 2:3–7; Kristeller, Iter, 2:255b–56a and 6:259b; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:317; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:211 (nos. 2930 and 2931); Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:244; Revest, “Naissance du cicéronianisme” (n. 23 above), 245–48; and Aurelio Malandrino, “Censimento dei codici petrarcheschi latini della Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana di Venezia,” (Ph.D. dissertation, Università Ca’ Foscari Venice, 2014), 204–11. Around 1718, Zeno bought Marc. lat. XI.100 (no. 125) and XI.101 (no. 142) from Gerardo Sagredo (1692–1738), a procurator of San Marco. The nephew of Zaccaria Sagredo (1653–1729) and great-nephew of Doge Nicolò Sagredo (1606–76) and Patriarch Alvise Sagredo (1617–88), Gerardo continued the family's efforts to rebuild their political reputation by collecting art, remodeling the Ca’ Morosini purchased around 1705, and endowing a burial chapel in San Francesco della Vigna. On Gerardo Sagredo's career, see Remington, Preston, “A Bedroom from the Palazzo Sagredo at Venice,” Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art 21 (1926): 1114CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Barcham, William L., “The Capella Sagredo in San Francesco della Vigna,” Artibus et Historiae 4 (1983): 104 and 118–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar. In 1702, Apostolo Zeno tried to become librarian of the Marciana but lost out to the less qualified Marc'Antonio Maderò. Zeno left the codex to the Observant Dominicans (Zattere) in 1750, and it passed to the Marciana in 1810. On Zeno's career, see Zorzi, La Libreria, 243–46 and 343–44.

130 On Morelli, see Zorzi, La Libreria, 285–371.

131 On the codex, see McManamon, Pierpaolo Vergerio and Saint Jerome (n. 119 above), 70–78. The Counts Onigo trace their ancestry to Gualperto da Cavasio (d. 1197), have a tomb to Count Agostino (before 1427–before 1500) by Tullio Lombardo and Lorenzo Lotto in San Nicolò, and owned a vast residence in Treviso where the last heiress of the family, Countess Teodolinda, was murdered in 1903.

132 Philadelphia Univ. of Pennsylvania Lat. 7 and New York Gordan cod. 73. Lockwood bought the Pennsylvania codex from Bertalot in 1946, sold it to William H. Allen in 1947, and Allen sold it to the University Library. See Jaitner-Hahner, “Per la fortuna del ‘Codice Bollea’” (n. 113 above), 107–108. The Gordan codex was written in the Veneto in the second and fourth quarters of the fifteenth century and purchased by Howard L. Goodhart from Maggs Bros. in 1944. See Kristeller, Iter, 5:351a; Hankins, “Bruni Manuscripts in North America” (n. 29 above), 80; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:126 (no. 1736).

133 Blickling Hall 6844. See Pevsner, Nikolaus and Wilson, Bill, Norfolk 1: Norwich and North-East, 2nd ed., The Buildings of England (London, 1997), 400407Google Scholar.

134 Florence Laurenziana Ashb. 278. The codex dates to the latter half of the fifteenth century, traces its origins to northern Italy, perhaps Ferrara or Verona, and was written by five hands in Humanist cursive or Italic scripts. See Kristeller, Iter, 1:83b; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:49 (no. 637); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:57–58. Gianfilippi (1745–1827) inserted a table of contents on a loose piece of paper. Ashburnham 278 figures among the many codices in the Laurenziana fondo that once belonged to Guglielmo Libri Carucci dalla Sommaja (1803–69), renowned mathematician, historian of mathematics, and book-thief. In 1884, the Italian government purchased a group of the Libri manuscripts from the fifth Earl of Ashburnham, leaving aside those that rightly belonged to France. On Lord Bertram, fourth Earl of Ashburnham, and Guglielmo Libri, see De Ricci, English Collectors (n. 41 above), 131–38; A. N. L. Munby, “The Earl and the Thief: Lord Ashburnham and Count Libri,” and Munby, “The Triumph of Delisle: A Sequel to ‘The Earl and the Thief,’” Harvard Library Bulletin 17 (1969): 5–21 and 279–90. For the dispersal of Gianfilippi's library, some of whose codices came from the Libreria Saibante, see Delisle, Léopold, “Notice sur des manuscrits du fonds Libri conservés à la Laurentienne,” Notices et extraits des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Nationale et autres bibliothèques publiés par l'Institut National de France 32.1 (1886): 16–18, 114–15, and 118Google Scholar; and Frati, Carlo, “Review of Enrico Rostagni, I codici Ashburnhamiani della R. Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana di Firenze,” La Bibliofilia 22 (1920–21): 98–102Google Scholar.

135 See Luigi Chiappelli, “La Collezione pistoiese Rossi-Cassigoli,” Archivio storico italiano, 5th ser., 5 (1890): 483–86 (no. 20).

136 On Hunter, see De Ricci, English Collectors (n. 41 above), 53. Hunter was a surgeon and a leading obstetrician of his day.

137 BAV Regin. lat. 1583. The codex was written in Italy in Humanist cursive script late in the fifteenth century, has a table of contents by the copyist, and is included in the catalog that Isaac Voss made for the Royal Library (1650–51). See Kristeller, Iter, 2:409a, 2:599a, and 6:372b; and Pellegrin et al., Les manuscrits classiques latins (n. 89 above), 2.1:307–308. Regin. lat. 1612 also comes from the Royal Library of Sweden. Neither Regin. lat. 1583 nor 1612 figures among the codices that Paul Petau and his son Alexandre bought from French humanists and monasteries. On Regin. lat. 1612, see Kristeller, Iter, 2:409b; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:195 (no. 2666); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:297–98. On the history of the Vatican's fondi, see Jeanne Bignami-Odier, La Bibliothèque Vaticane de Sixte IV à Pie XI: recherches sur l'histoire des collections de manuscrits, Studi e testi 272 (Vatican City, 1973); and the prefaces to each fondo in Pellegrin et al., Les manuscrits classiques latins (n. 89 above).

138 BAV Ottob. lat. 1153. The codex had its origins in Ferrara after 1450, was written by a principal Humanist cursive hand and secondary hands, and was later owned by Cardinal Guglielmo Sirleto (“humanitatis 136”), Cardinal Ascanio Colonna, and Duke Giovanni Angelo Altemps (no. L.V.11), before it was acquired by Cardinal Pietro Ottoboni. See Kristeller, Iter, 2:427a–b; Besomi and Regoliosi, Laurentii Valle Epistole (n. 27 above), 68–69; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:174; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:189 (no. 2570); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:286–87. Ottob. lat. 1184, Ottob. lat. 1510, and Ottob. lat. 3021 also have Giustiniani's funeral oration for Zeno. Ottob. lat. 1184 belonged to Marcello Cervini. Ottob. lat. 1510 was written in Italy by several Humanist cursive hands, one of whom wrote a minuscule g characteristic of Pomponio Leto and members of his Roman Academy. On Ottob. lat. 1510, see Pellegrin et al., Les manuscrits classiques latins (n. 89 above), 1:595–601.

139 Venice Museo Civico Correr Cicogna 797 (1048). The codex was written by a single hand in a Semihumanist script in the second quarter of the fifteenth century. On 2 October 1841, Pietro Nicolò Oliva del Turco gave the manuscript to Cicogna at Aviano. Oliva had previously added a table of contents. On the codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 2:283b; Hankins, Repertorium, 1:214 (no. 2972); and Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 2:234–35. It is estimated that Cicogna saved approximately 5,000 manuscripts. See Paolo Preto, “Cicogna, Emmanuele Antonio,” Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (n. 3 above), 25:394–96.

140 Museo Civico Correr Morosini-Grimani 248. The codex was written in antiqua and dates to the second half of the fifteenth century. It once belonged to Marino Sanudo il Giovane (no. CCIX on the front pastedown) and then to the Archivio Morosini-Grimani. On the codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 6:278a–b; Griggio, Francesco Barbaro, 1:325; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:214 (no. 2979). Sanudo's father Leonardo owned at least thirty books by the time of his death in 1474. The Sanudo library grew to about 500 books in 1502, to 2,800 in 1516, and to 6,500 in 1536. On Sanudo's library, see Harris, Neil, “Marin Sanudo, Forerunner of Melzi, I–III,” La Bibliofilia 95 (1993): 68, 26–28, and 101–102Google Scholar; and Richardson, Brian, Printing, Writers, and Readers in Renaissance Italy (Cambridge, 1999), 120Google Scholar.

141 Kristeller, Iter, 2:292b, catalogs a codex with Giustiniani's eulogy (“cart. XVII–XVIII”) then in the possession of Count Alvise Giustinian, and he refers back to that codex in 6:287a, when cataloging a fifteenth-century manuscript with six unnumbered folios in the Bibl. Giustiniani-Recanati. The Recanati family died out in the eighteenth century; in 1712, Laura Recanati married Giacomo Giustiniani. Thereafter, the family took the name Giustiniani-Recanati, and the last descendant, Alvise, died late in the twentieth century, between the publication of Iter 2 and 6. See Zorzi, La Libreria, 487 n. 49.

142 On the Yale codex, see the entry prepared by Barbara A. Shailor for the online catalog of pre-1600 manuscripts in the Beinecke Library, available at: https://pre1600ms.beinecke.library.yale.edu/docs/pre1600.ms002.htm (accessed 31 March 2020). The codex was written in antiqua by Franciscus de Tianis Pistoriensis. Trent Capitolare 42, a composite miscellany from the Veneto written by several hands in the fifteenth century, has Giustiniani's oration on Zeno followed by Pierpaolo Vergerio's letter to Zeno. See Kristeller, Iter, 2:189b–90a and 6:231b.

143 Kremsmünster 10 and St. Pölten 63 have texts with subscriptions, “in Nova Civitate” (Wiener Neustadt): in the Kremsmünster codex by Michael Wochner on 13 January 1455 (fol. 246v) and in the St. Pölten codex by Johannes Tröster on 3 September 1454 (fol. 244). Wochner wrote the Kremsmünster manuscript in Gothic script; it has a coat of arms. On the codex, see Hugo Schmid, Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum in Bibliotheca Cremifanensis Ord. s. Bened. asservatorum (Linz, 1877), 148–92; Kristeller, Iter, 3:22a–b; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:7–8; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:84 (no. 1157). The St. Pölten codex has Gothic hands besides Tröster's, came from the library of the seminary, and preserves the note on the rear pastedown “domino, domino Udalrico.” On the St. Pölten codex, see Kristeller, Iter, 3:49a–b; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:9–10; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:169 (no. 2302). Munich Clm 5335 dates to 1460, was principally written by a Semigothic hand, and has the former residence of Bishop Bernhard von Kraiburg of Chiemsee (Salzburg) for its provenance. See Catalogus codicum Latinorum Bibliothecae regiae Monacensis, vol. 1.3, Mss. 5251–8100, ed. Karl Felix von Halm, Georg von Laubmann, et al. (Munich, 1873), 6–7; Gualdo Rosa et al., Censimento, 1:115–16; and Hankins, Repertorium, 1:116 (no. 1600). Active in the fifteenth century, the Franciscan Bianchi's writings include letters, orations, De vitae pauperis praestantia, and De virtute colenda. See Kristeller, “Contribution of Religious Orders” (n. 94 above), 131. Cecil Grayson published an edition of Alberti's Canis based upon the following exemplars: Bologna Archiginnasio A.172, Brescia Queriniana B.VI.18 (with model letters of Bianchi), BNCF Pal. Panc. 123 (fragm.), Milan Ambrosiana D 93 sup., Novara Capitolare 124, Oxford Bodleian Canon. Misc. 172, Rimini Gambalunga SC–MS 22 (D.IV.208), Rome Angelica 1985, Seville Colomb. 5–5–28, Vienna Lat. 3420, and Vienna Lat. 12814. The vernacular translation of Marco Parenti is preserved in BNCF Magl. VI.2, Riccardiana Moreni 24, and Museo Horne 2790. See Cecil Grayson, “Il Canis di Leon Battista Alberti,” in Miscellanea di studi in onore di Vittore Branca (n. 2 above), 1:193–204. Mariangela Regoliosi determined that the Cicogna manuscript is the exemplar for several others; see her “Linee di filologia albertiana: il De commodis litterarum atque incommodis e il Canis,” in Leon Battista Alberti, umanista e scrittore: Filologia, esegesi, tradizione (Atti del Convegno internazionale del Comitato Nazionale VI centenario della nascita di Leon Battista Alberti, Arezzo, 24–25–26 giugno 2004), ed. Roberto Cardini and Mariangela Regoliosi (Florence, 2007), 1:235–43.

144 Stuttgart Württembergische Landesbibl. Poet. et Philol. fol. 14. See Wolfgang Irtenkauf and Ingeborg Krekler, Codices poetici et philologici, Handschriften der Württembergischen Landesbibliothek Stuttgart 1.2 (Wiesbaden, 1981), 14.

145 The machinery built for the attempt to raise the galeone is described in Paris BN Ital. 353, fols. 173v–74. See Keller, Alex, “Archimedean Hydrostatic Theorems and Salvage Operations in 16th-Century Venice,” Technology and Culture 12 (1971): 610–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Kristeller, Iter, 3:309a.

146 Hankins, James, “Rhetoric, History, and Ideology: The Civic Panegyrics of Leonardo Bruni,” in Renaissance Civic Humanism: Reappraisals and Reflections, ed. Hankins, James, Ideas in Context (Cambridge, 2000), 147–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

147 See Kristeller, “The European Diffusion of Italian Humanism,” Italica 39 (1962): 1–20; and Agostino Sottili, Humanismus und Universitätsbesuch: Die Wirkung italienischer Universitäten auf die “Studia Humanitatis” nördlich der Alpen, Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance 26 (Leiden, 2006).

148 Plut. Vit. Luc. 42.6 (friend of Ascalon); 1.5 and 42.2 (retirement spent with scholars); and Cic. Acad. 2.2 (memory for facts). Giustiniani translated the parallel lives of Cimon and Lucullus in 1416 and dedicated the translation to Enrico Lusignan.

149 Hor. Epist. 1.2.24-25. Cic. De or. 2.188; Acad. 2.119 (flumen eloquentiae); Tusc. 4.84 and 5.19; Fin. 1.72 and 5.88 (ars bene beateque vivendi); Off. 1.22; and Fin. 2.45 (non nobis nati sumus).

150 Rhet. Her. 4.23 (pacem humanitas augere); Brut. 12.45 (eloquentia pacis comes); Arch 1.2 (omnes artes, quae ad humanitatem pertinent, habent quoddam commune vinculum); Marc. 1.1–2 (clementia); De or. 1.13 (omnium doctrinarum inventrices Athenae); and Tusc. 1.4 (Themistoclesquecum in epulis recusaret lyram, est habitus indoctior).

151 The codex has an “Oratio pro cardinale de Fuxo.” The elder Pierre de Foix was a cardinal from 1409–64 and the younger Pierre a cardinal from 1476–85.

152 Rundle, David, “A Renaissance Bishop and His Books: A Preliminary Survey of the Manuscript Collection of Pietro del Monte (ca. 1400-57),” Papers of the British School at Rome 69 (2001): 245–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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