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Revival and Resurgence in Sixteenth-Century Catholicism: the Contribution of the Italian and Spanish Dominicans
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
Extract
This essay is intended as a contribution to the history of the revival and resurgence of Catholicism in the sixteenth century. The debates about this topic that have arisen since 1945 have mostly concerned either the nature and importance of Evangelism (where the most important views are those of Jedin, Simoncelli and Mayer), or the relative importance of the Inquisition and the Council of Trent in reforming the Church and responding to the Protestant threat (a debate which first pitted the views of Firpo against those of Jedin, and then, with particular reference to Cardinal Pole, those of Mayer against both of these). Whereas the focus in the above debates has usually been on developments in religion and politics at the top of the Church, the intention in this essay is to concentrate instead on issues of reform as they were faced by perhaps the most influential mendicant order of the period. The sixteenth-century Dominicans did indeed have their impact on high politics as the argument below will show, but they were also very influential at local level and in the universities.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Studies in Church History , Volume 44: Revival and Resurgence in Christian History , 2008 , pp. 106 - 115
- Copyright
- Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 2008
References
1 See, for instance, the following: Jedin, H., A History of the Council of Trent, trans. Graf, E., 2 vols (London, 1957 and 1961); Simoncelli, P., Evangelismo itaiiano: Questione religiosa e nicodemismo politico (Rome, 1979)Google Scholar; Firpo, M. and Marcatto, D., eds, Il Processo inquisitoriale del cardinal Giovanni Morone, 6 vols in 7 (Rome, 1981–95); Mayer, T., Reginald Pole: Prince and Prophet (Cambridge, 2000)Google Scholar.
2 First published at Hagenau in 1515 and 1516, and at Basel 1517.
3 See Polizzotto, L., The Elect Nation: the Savonarolan Movement in Florence 1494–1543 (Oxford, 1994)Google Scholar, which considers all these matters in detail.
4 In Lucala Noctis (1405). I have used the following edition: Hunt, E., ed., Iohannis Dominici Lucula noctis (Notre Dame, IN, 1940)Google Scholar.
5 His attacks on the paganizing art of Florence in his day are a commonplace among historians of the period.
6 In the ‘Claves Duae’ 1543, Catarino condemned the humanist critique of the Scriptures on the grounds of style. See Ambrosius Catharinus Politus, Claves Duae ad aperiendas Sacras Scripturas (Lyons, 1543), 17–27.
7 From the 1564 Roman Index onwards, the Roman Indices condemned only those works of Erasmus that criticized fundamental features of the doctrine and practice of the Church. See Index Librorum Prohibitorum (Lyons, 1564), 23.
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21 Sociability and government were natural to man, but the mode of government was at the discretion of the people concerned.
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24 One of them was Domingo de Soto, another Salamanca professor, who was in fact a disciple of Vitoria. De Soto had himself written various works on the Indian question, and was therefore well qualified to offer his opinion to the Royal Council.
25 For a discussion of the Valladolid Juntas 15 50–1, see Heredia, V. Beltran de, Domingo de Soto: estudio biografico documentatio (Madrid, 1961)Google Scholar, ch. 6.