Hostname: page-component-77c89778f8-m8s7h Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-16T12:29:30.856Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Miracle, Meaning and Narrative in the Latin East

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Yvonne Friedman*
Affiliation:
Bar-Ilan University, Israel

Extract

In medieval narrative the First Crusade and the founding of the Latin kingdom were perceived as Gesta Dei per Francos – God’s own deed. Having no doubt that the success of the First Crusade was a miracle, God’s intervention in history, the chroniclers’ rendering of events was accordingly replete with miracles, such as the discovery of the Holy Lance in Antioch and the saints’ taking an active role in the battle against Kirbogha of Mosul in 1098. Even in the more level-headed historical narratives, military success was seen as a miracle and failures were attributed to the sins of the participants who were not pure enough to merit a miracle. Thus the miraculous intervention of God in history became the logical consequence of the prowess and religious behavior of the crusaders, an almost expected outcome of natural events.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 2005

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Guibert de Nogent, Dei Gesta per Francos et cinq autres textes, ed. Huygens, Robert B. C., CChrCM 127a (Turnhout, 1996) [hereafter: Guibert], 804,345 Google Scholar and passim.

2 Raymond d’Aguilers, Historia Francorum qui ceperunt Iherusalem, ed. and transl. Hill, John H. and Hill, Laurita L. (Philadelphia, PA, 1968), VII, 568, 637.Google Scholar

3 Fulcheri Carnotensis Historia Hierosolymitana (1095–1127), ed. Hagenmeyer, Heinrich (Heidelberg, 1913) [hereafter: Fulcher], III, 27, 68, 749: ‘percipitis igitur esse hoc miraculum immensum et universo mundo valde stupendum’.Google Scholar

4 Tyr, Guillaume de, Chronique, ed. Huygens, Robert B. C., CChr.CM 63–63a, 2 vols (Turnhout, 1981), 2: 27. Cf. Continuation of William of Tyre, The Conquest of Jerusalem and the Third Crusade: Sources in Translation, trans. Edbury, Peter W. (Aldershot, 1996), 37.Google Scholar

5 Murray, Alan V., ‘“Mighty Against the Enemies of Christ”: the Relic of the True Cross in the Armies of the Kingdom of Jerusalem’, in France, John and Zajac, William G., eds, The Crusades and their Sources: Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton (Aldershot, 1998), 21738.Google Scholar

6 Cole, Penny J., ‘Christian Perceptions of the Battle of Hattin (583/1187) ’,Al-Masaq 6 (1993). 939 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 For the debate regarding the date of his death see Anitra Gadolin, ‘Prince Bohemund’s Death and Apotheosis in the Church of San Sabino, Canosa di Puglia’, Byzantion 52 (1982), 124–53.

8 Bynum, Caroline Walker, ‘Wonder’, AHR 102. 1 (1997), 126, 26.Google Scholar

9 Finucane, , Miracles and Pilgrims, 5999.Google Scholar

10 Friedman, Yvonne, ‘The Status of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in the Crusader Period’, Wilnai Book 2 (1988), 5866 [in Hebrew]; eadem,‘The City of the Kings of Kings’, in Marcel Poorthuis and Chana Safrai, eds, The Centrality of Jerusalem: Historical Perspectives (The Hague, 1996), 20912.Google Scholar

11 Caffaro de Cashifelone, De liberatione civitatum orientis liber, RHC Oca, 4: 255–6; Bartolf de Nangis, Appendix to Fulcher, 835.

12 Acta Honorii III (1216–1227) et Gregorii IX (1227–1241), Pontificia commissio ad redigendum codicem iuris canonici orientalis. Fontes, ser. III, 3 (Rome, 1950), no. 235; Friedman, ‘The City of the Kings of Kings’, 209–12.

13 Friedman, Yvonne, ‘Pilgrimage to the Holy Land as an Act of Devotion in Jewish and Christian Outlook’, in Dahan, Gilbert, Nahon, Gérard and Nicolas, Elie, eds, Rashi et la culture juive en France du Nord au Moyen Âge (Paris, 1997), 278301 Google Scholar; Reiner, Elchanan, ‘Overt Falsehood and Covert Truth: Christians, Jews, and Holy Places in Twelfth-Century Palestine’, Zion 63. 2 (1998), 15788 Google Scholar [in Hebrew].

14 E.g., Bull, Marcus, The Miracles of Our Lady of Rocamadour: Analysis and Translation (Woodbridge, 1999), 121, 135.Google Scholar

15 Korte, Anne-Marie, ‘Introduction: Women and Miracle Stories’, in eadem, ed., Women and Miracle Stories: a Multidisciplinary Exploration (Leiden, 2001), 128, 13.Google Scholar

16 Nogent, Guibert de, De Sanctis et eorum pigneribus, ed. Huygens, Robert B. C., CChr.CM 127 (Turnhout, 1993), 85109 Google Scholar: 87, 1.1, ll. 68–9. Cf. Julia M. H. Smith, ‘Oral and Written: Saints, Miracles, and Relics in Brittany c.850–1250’, Speculum 65 (1990), 309–43.

17 Yewdale, Ralph Bailey, Bohemond I, Prince of Antioch (Princeton, NJ, 1924), 96102 Google Scholar; Carol Sweetenham and Linda M. Paterson, The Canso d’Antioca: an Occitan Epic Chronicle of the First Crusade (Aldershot, 2003), 8.

18 Armenia and the Crusades, Tenth to Twelfth Centuries: the Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa, ed. Dostourian, Ara Edmond (Lanham, MD, and London, 1993), 3.14, 191.Google Scholar

19 Fulcher, II, 23, 457–60: ‘After four years spent in the chains of the enemy, divine grace looked upon him, and on payment of a ransom he was released from his bonds’.

20 Guibert, 337,1. 1838: ‘… tandem cum pacto tum pecuniaria redemptione resolvitur’.

21 Ralph of Caen, Gesta Tancredi in expeditione Hierosolymitana, RHC Occ, 3:147, 709.

22 Albert of Aachen, Historia Ierosolymitana, ed. and transl. Susan B. Edgington, OMT (forthcoming); earlier edition in RHC Occ, 4: 9,33–6.

23 Encounter between Enemies: Captivity and Ransom in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Leiden, 2002), 13–32. Cf. Jean Dunbabin, Captivity and Imprisonment in Medieval Europe, 1000–1300 (Houndmills, 2002).

24 Vitalis, Orderic, The Ecclesiastical History, ed. and transl. Chibnall, Marjorie, 6 vols (Oxford, 1969-80) [hereafter: OV], 5: 10, 35478.Google Scholar

25 Les Chétifs, ed. Myers, Geoffrey M. (Tuscaloosa, AL, 1981), 65, 745, 77, 11. 3206–8.Google Scholar

26 The Alexiad of Anna Comnena, transl. E. R. A. Sewter (Harmondsworth, 1969), 13, 10, 422; Matthew Bennett, ‘Virile Latins, Effeminate Greeks and Strong Women: Gender Definitions on Crusade?’, in Susan B. Edgington and Sarah Lambert, eds, Gendering the Crusades (Cardiff, 2001), 16–30, esp. 17, remarks that Anna’s description better fits a horse than a man, which may well be, but nevertheless she seems to have been attracted to him.

27 Daniel, Norman, Heroes and Saracens: an Interpretation of the Chansons de Geste (Edinburgh, 1984), 193201 Google Scholar; Goff, Jacques Le, The Medieval Imagination (Chicago, IL, 1988), 15961.Google Scholar

28 Bull, Marcus, ‘Views of Muslims and of Jerusalem in Miracle Stories, c.1000-c.1200: Reflections on the Study of First Crusaders’ Motivations’, in Bull, Marcus and Housley, Norman, eds, The Experience of Crusading: I. Western Approaches (Cambridge, 2003), 1338,35.Google Scholar

29 ‘Vita et miracula Sancti Leonardi (6.11)’, ActaSS, 3 Nov., 148–73. The story is attributed to Waleran, a Saxon bishop and numbered as miracle II, 160–8. He is, however, not the author, but only the scribe of the manuscript, Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS Lat. 5347.

30 ‘Danishmend’s wife, secretly a Christian, had pity on the Christian man in all ways, and as befitted the noble duke, she sent to him by way of secret intermediaries food, clothing and other needful things. And also, if at any time she perceived that her husband was undertaking anything crueler against the prisoner, she [started to] soften his anger with wifely blandishments, and by coaxing, threatening and promising to ensure that the guards would not injure the captive nor annoy him with any insults’: ActaSS, 6 Nov., iii, 163.

31 Cheirézy, Céline, ‘Hagiographie et société: l’exemple de saint Léonard de Noblat’, Annales du Midi 107 (1995), 41735.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

32 ActaSS, 6 Nov., iii, 165–6.

33 Poncelet, Albert, ‘Boémond et S.Léonard’, AnBoll 31 (1912), 2444.Google Scholar

34 Wolf, Kenneth B., ‘Crusade and Narrative: Bohemond and the Gesta Francorum ’, JMedH 17 (1991), 20716 Google Scholar, claims that, by concentrating on the story of Antioch, the Gesta glossed over the fact that Bohemond was not among the conquerors of Jerusalem.

35 For the dissemination of the narrative, see William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglomm, ed. and transl. R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford, 1998), 692–3: ‘Not long afterwards he came to Gaul, and there offered as a guerdon to St Leonard the gyves that had been such a burden to himself. For St Leonard is foremost, it is said, in power to loose a man from bondage, so that the captive is set free and bears away his chains, while his enemies look on and dare not say a word’. My thanks to Sue Edgington for this reference.

36 OV, 6: 11,12,68.

37 OV, 6: 11, 25,120: ‘cantilena de vobis cantetur in urbe’.

38 ActaSS, 3 Nov., 159–60.

39 Ibid.

40 Miracula Sancti Benedicti, in Les Miracles de Saint-Benoit écrits par Adrevald, Aimoin, André, Raoul Tortaire et Hugues de Sainte Marie, ed. E. de Certain (Paris, 1858), 356–71.

41 The Book of Sainte Foy, transl. Pamela Sheingorn (Philadelphia, PA, 1995), 102–3, 125–9, 148–9, 185–97, 235–9.

42 ActaSS, 30 April, iii: 742–8.

43 Friedman, Encounter between Enemies, 213–38.

44 Sigal, Pierre-André, L’Homme et le miracle dans la France médiévale, XIe-XIIe siècles (Paris, 1985), 2689, 270 Google Scholar. Sigal registers 159 miracles of deliverances out of a total of 4,756. Only five are miraculous escapes and none is a real act of the saint. Some saints seem to specialize in redemption: St Foy, St Leonard and St Mary Magdalen.

45 Verdier, Philippe, ‘La Vie et les miracles de Saint Benoît dans les sculptures de Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire’, Mélanges de l’Ecole Française de Rome 89 (1977), 11753.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

46 Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 16, fol. 149r.