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Evangelisation or repentance? The re-Christianisation of the Peloponnese in the ninth and tenth centuries

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Marilyn Dunn*
Affiliation:
University of Edinburgh

Extract

Despite its attendant manifestations of renewal, the process of the re-Christianisation of the Peloponnese during the ninth and tenth centuries has not generally been viewed in the context of a renaissance. The remarkable upsurge in church-building in the province from the end of the tenth century onwards, the approximate beginnings of which are marked by the appearance of a large church on the Spartan acropolis, has had its causes ascribed to movements other than the re-vitalisation of religious life in the area. It is true that the great period of church-building in the Peloponnese occurs at a later date than the comparable flourishing in Hellas, where the famous churches of Skripou, of Gregory the Theologian at Thebes, and of John the Baptist in Athens were all built in the ninth century. The late date of this architectural activity has doubtless been one factor which has led some historians to hold an unnecessarily complicated and even untenable view of the impulses which lay behind it.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1977

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References

1 For the monastery and church built by Saint Nikon in Lakedaimon, see G. Soteriou’s article on the excavations at old Sparta in the Praktika tis en Athenais Arkhaiologikis Etaireias 1939 (Athens 1940) pp 107-18Google Scholar.

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18 Ibid.

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40 PG 107(1863) col 969.

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46 The encomium of Saint Athanasios of Methone by Peter of Argos can be found in PG 104 (1862) cols 1365-80.

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48 Ibid paras 7 seq.

49 AASS, September, 3, pp 843-58.

50 AASS, August, 3, pp 479-509.

51 Ménager, L.-R., ‘La byzantinisation réligieuse de l’Italie méridionale’, RHE, 53 (1958) pp 747-74Google Scholar; 59 (1959) pp 5-40.

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54 The haunted tower inhabited by Elias the Speleot was near Patras; see his Life, AASS, September, 3 p 856 para 21. The stylites visited by Saint Luke in the early tenth century lived near Corinth and Zemena. See the Life of Luke, AASS, February, 2 p 90 para 36.

55 Bon makes only one brief reference to Vasmer (p 30 n 1) and does not discuss the latter’s conclusions. Obolensky refers to Die Slaven at p 482 only.

56 Die Slaven pp 316-8.

57 Zakythinos, D., The Slavs in Greece, in Greek (Athens 1945) p 71 Google Scholar claims to be able to find only one word of Slavic origin, together with its derivatives in the Chronicle. This is, perhaps, a rather extreme point of view; but it neatly illustrates the point that the language of medieval Greece was scarcely influenced at all by the Slavs.

58 See Continuatus, Theophanes, Vita Basila, PG 119 (1864) cols 241-4Google Scholar.

59 DAI, cap 50 lines 32-70 gives an account of political in-fighting in the theme: the main protagonists are protospatharii. Bon pp 186-94 assigns names and dates to holders of this rank on the basis of sigillographie evidence. The tax-rolls of Thebes are investigated by Svoronos, N., Le Cadastre de Thèbes (Paris 1971): see esp pp 1955 Google Scholar.

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62 Herrin p 124.

63 Ibid p 120.

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65 The Life of Nikon, Greek version, ed Lampros, S., Neos Ellenomnemon 3 (Athens 1906) pp 129223 Google Scholar. For Nikon’s early life, see pp 128-44. For other versions and editions see BHG 2 nos 1366-8.

66 Ibid p 150.

67 Ibid p 152.

68 The Latin Life can be found in Martène, E. and Durand, U. Veterum Scriptorum, Monumentarum, Historicorum, Dogmaticorum, Moralium, Amplissima Collectio, 6 (Paris 1729) cols 837-87Google Scholar. For Nikon’s preaching, see col 855.

69 Life p 161.

70 See p 78 above.

71 Ibid.

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73 The Testament is also edited by Lampros, S. in Neos Ellenomnemon 3 (Athens 1906) pp 223-8Google Scholar. For these events see p 224.

74 Life pp 166-7.

75 Testament p 224-6. See Sophocles Lexicon.

76 Ibid p 226.

77 Ibid p 228.

78 Life pp 172-3.

79 Ibid pp 174-8.

80 Ibid p 194.

81 Ibid pp 200-2.

82 The Life of Peter of Argos, Mai, A., Novum Patrum Bibliotheca ed Cozza-Luzzi, I. 9, 3 (Rome 1888) pp 117 Google Scholar, 17-20, XXII-XLVI.

83 Life of Peter caps 13, 15, 19.

84 Darrouzès, J., Epistoliers byzantins du Xème siècle (Paris 1960) cap 9 no 19 pp 356-7Google Scholar. Bon p 63 n 2 maintains that the name Ezeros was not preserved in the Peloponnese; however, Vasmer, Die Slaven, p 170, says that it did, in fact, survive as a place-name. This, taken in association with the fact that the anonymous writer sends his greetings to a ‘Rendakios’ a name similar to that of a Spartan who is mentioned in the Testament of Nikon (Rontakios p 224) would seem to justify Darrouzès’ insistence in placing the revolt in the Peloponnese.

85 Bon p 96.

86 Testament p 228.

87 Traquair, R., ‘The Churches of Western Mani’, Annual of the British School at Athens, 15 (London 1909) p 188 Google Scholar; Millet, G., L’Ecole grecque dans l’architecture byzantine (Paris 1916) pp 270-1Google Scholar.

88 Scranton, R.L., Medieval Architecture in the Central Area of Corinth, American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Results of Excavations 16 (Princetown, New Jersey 1952) pp 50 seq Google Scholar.