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Diversity and Strivings for Unity in the Early Swiss Réveil

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 March 2016

Timothy C. F. Stunt*
Affiliation:
Stowe School, Buckingham

Extract

About thirty years ago, Dr John Walsh observed that ‘the comparative history of the many evangelical or pietistic revivals of the nineteenth century remains to be written” and on this particular front we can hardly claim today to have made very much progress. Any such study could well start with the French-speaking Swiss awakening or réveil, in the second decade of the century, which was soon to have a considerable impact on both French-speaking Protestants in general and, a little later, on British Evangelicals. Reacting against the conservative rationalism of the establishment many of the réveillés turned to a more romantic and experimental form of pietism which was liable to bring them into conflict with the ecclesiastical authorities and sometimes caused them to hive off into secession. The young men whose aims and ideals led to these divisions had nevertheless some genuinely ecumenical aspirations and a real concern for some visible expression of the Church’s unity. The movement in French-speaking Switzerland is therefore a good field of enquiry in which the tensions between strivings for unity and separatist diversification can be explored.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1996

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References

1 Walsh, John, ‘Religion: Church and State in Europe and the Americas’, in Crawley, C. W., ed., New Cambridge Modem History, 9 (Cambridge, 1965), p. 164.Google Scholar

2 For the Swiss réveil see Goltz, H. de, Genève religieuse au dix-neuvième siècle (Geneva, 1862)Google Scholar; G[uers], E., Le premier réveil et la première église indépendante à Genève (Geneva, 1871)Google Scholar; Maury, Leon, Le réveil religieux dans l’église réformée à Genève et en France (1810-1850) (Paris, 1892)Google Scholar; Cart, J., Histoire du mouvement religieux et ecclésiastique dans le Canton de Vaud pendant la première moitié du XIXe siècle, 6 vols (Lausanne, 1870-80)Google Scholar; Meylan, Henri, Noire, Église (Lausanne, [1958]), pp. 6996 Google Scholar; Perret, Paul, Nos Églises dissidentes (Nyon, 1966), pp. 3354 Google Scholar; Wemyss, Alice, Histoire du réveil, 1790-1849 (Paris, 1977)Google Scholar.

3 Cf. Charles Rieu, who ministered to a French congregation at Fredericia in Denmark. Similarly soon after his dismissal as suffragan at Orbe (Vaud) in 1825, Charles François Recordon became the pastor of the Swiss Church in Florence though he later seceded and joined the Brethren; Cart, Histoire, 2, p. 376; G. Spini, Risorgimento e Protestanti (Naples, 1956), p. 125.

4 The complete edict is in Heyer, H., L’Église de Genève 1535-1909 (Geneva, 1909), pp. 11920 Google Scholar. For an unconvincing defence of the edict see Wemyss, Histoire, pp. 79-80, 86-8.

5 Gaussen, S. R. L., Mémoires adressés au conseil d’état de la république de Genève (Geneva, 1832), p. 82 Google Scholar. Gaussen, Cf., Lettres à la vénérable compagnie des pasteurs de Genève (Geneva, 1830)Google Scholar; ‘Memoir of the author’ in Gaussen, , Parables of the Spring or the Resurrection and the Life (London, nd), pp. 520.Google Scholar

6 B. Biéler, Un fils du Refuge: Jean-Henri Merle d’Aubignè (Geneva, 1934), pp. 126-31.

7 For an early account of the Oratoire (when Galland’s claim was still valid) see the letter written by Rodolphe de Rodt (a young French-speaking aristocrat from Bern, teetering on the brink of secession), to J. Wenger (March 1834) in Calcutta Christian Advocate (11 November 1843), p. 342.

8 Henri Dubief, ‘Réflexions sur quelques aspects du premier Réveil et sur le milieu où il se forma’, Bulletin de la société de l’histoire du protestantisme français, 114 (1968), pp. 384, 376-8.

9 Wemyss, Histoire, pp. 50-2.

10 Guers’s father had previously abandoned the Roman communion and become a Protestant but now reverted to Catholicism because, ‘Despotisme pour despotisme, il préférait encore celui de Rome.’ Guers, Premier réveil, p. 92. He had taken refuge in Geneva from the revolutionary upheavals in Savoy; Chaponnière, Francis, Pasteurs et laïques de l’église de Genève (Geneva, 1889), pp. 889.Google Scholar

11 Cf. ‘Le fait de la dissidence avait par la force même des choses, précédé pour nous la théorie.’ Guers, Premier réveil, pp. 98-9.

12 This was the school-room of Julien-François Privat, another member of the earlier Moravian circle.

13 Guers, Premier réveil, p. 99.

14 For Haldane’s earlier career see Lovegrove, Deryck W., ‘Unity and separation: contrasting elements in the thought and practice of Robert and James Alexander Haldane’, in Robbins, Keith, ed., Protestant Evangelicalism: England, Ireland, Germany and America, SCH.S, 1 (Oxford, 1990), pp. 15377.Google Scholar

15 Haldane’s activities in Geneva greatly irritated the pastors who stigmatized the réveil as an import from abroad. The accounts of the movement’s early historians, de Goltz and Maury, are often unduly coloured by this criticism.

16 This took place in the home of Henry Drummond, another visitor to Geneva whose interest seemed to suggest foreign origins.

17 Empaytaz had studied for ordination but left Geneva in 1814 when his continuing association with a community established by the rather unstable Mme de Krüdener had incurred the wrath of the pastors who ordered his name to be struck off the roll of ordination candidates. See E.G[uers], Notice sur Henri-Louis Empaytaz, ministre de l’évangile, mort dans le Seigneur, le 23 avril 1853 [Geneva, 1853J. For a less charitable account of Empaytaz, see Wemyss, Histoire, p. 52.

18 Senft, E. A., L’Église de l’unité des frètes (Neuchâtel. 1888). pp. 2423 Google Scholar. Cf. Cart, Histoire, 6, p. 521. There is no mention of the episode in [Mme. Porchat and A. Cadier], Vie de Porchat (Pau, 1866). See also Robert, D., Les Églises reformées en France (Paris, 1961), pp. 35860.Google Scholar

19 Bost, A., Mémoires pouvant servir à l’histoire du réveil religieux des églises protestantes de la Suisse et de la France, 3 vols (Paris, 1854-5), 1, pp. 12831.Google Scholar

20 A. Bost, Letters and Biography of Felix Neff, Protestant Missionary in Switzerland ana the Department of Isère and the High Alps (trans. M. A. Wyatt) (London, 1843), pp. 17-18, 41. The original French of the second letter is cited in Burnier, L., Notice sur Auguste Rochat, ministre de l’évangile (Lausanne, 1848), p. 109 Google Scholar, where the last sentence is rather less poetic: ‘Ce serait tout perdu pour un rien.’ These quotations should dispose of Mme Wemyss’s repeated dismissal of Neff as a divisive sectarian; Wemyss, Histoire, pp. 128-30. Grudgingly she allows that in 1822, ‘il commençait à se détacher du sectarisme’: ibid., p. 155. In reality his position displays an interesting blend of principle and tact.

21 Stunt, T. C. F., ‘Geneva and British evangelicals in the early nineteenth century’, JEH, 32 (1981), pp. 36, 40, 435 Google Scholar. See also [S. C. Malan], La Vie et travaux de César Malan (Geneva, 1869); G. Sabliet, Un Gagneur d’âmes (Dieulefit, 1943).

22 Malan, César, Déclaration de fidélité à cette église (Geneva, 1821).Google Scholar

23 Curtat, L. A., De l’Établissement des conventicules dans le canton de Vaud (Lausanne, 1821)Google Scholar; the sequel, Nouvelles observations sur l’établissement des conventicules et sur les missions en pays chrétiens (Lausanne, 1821), was rather less extreme but also reflected Curtat’s deep fear of popular piety unrestrained by clerical control. Cf. Meylan, Notre Église, pp. 67-8.

24 [C. Malan], Conventicule de Rolle, par un témoin digne de foi (Geneva, 1821), p. 53. Vinet’s anonymous reply to Malan was entitled. Lettre aux jeunes ministres qui figurent comme interlocuteurs dans la brochure intitulée: Conventicule de Rolle (Basel, 1821); cf. Alexandre Vinet, Lettres, ed. Pierre Bovet, 4 vols (Lausanne, 1947-9), 1, p. 133.

25 For the rest of this paragraph see Guers, Premier Réveil, pp. 159-81.

26 Bost, J. A., César Malan, impressions, notes et souvenirs (Geneva, 1865), p. 48.Google Scholar

27 De Goltz, Genève religieuse, p. 339.

28 Geneva, University Library, D.O. autogr, F. Neff to C. Malan, 27 June 1828. It is possible that the letter was not in fact sent.

29 Stunt, ‘Geneva and British evangelicals’, pp. 42, 44.

30 Feuille àe la Commission des églises associées pour Vevangelisation (Geneva. 1837), 1, p. 147. For the Powerscourt conferences see Rowdon, H. H., The Origins of the Brethren (London, 1967), pp. 868.Google Scholar

31 The process by which this was abandoned in Limerick in 1832-3, causing J. N. Darby himself some anxiety, can be traced in Darby, J. N., Letters, 3 vols (London, nd), 1, pp. 11, 1516, 18.Google Scholar

32 Synge, J., Observations on ‘A Call to the Converted’ as it relates to Members of the Church of England (Teignmouth, 1831), p. 8 Google Scholar. For the context of this pamphlet see Stunt, T. C. F., ‘John Synge and the early Brethren’, Journal of Christian Brethren Research, 28 (1976), pp. 45, 507.Google Scholar

33 H. H. Rowdon, ‘The early Brethren and baptism,’ Vox Evangelica, 11 (1979), pp. 55-63.

34 Stunt, ‘Geneva and British evangelicals’, p. 45.

35 Oliphant, M., Life of Edward Irving, 2nd edn (London, 1862), 1, p. 383 Google Scholar. In this respect Sheridan Gilley’s portrayal of Irving as an ‘other-worldly’ sectarian is perhaps misleading: S. Gilley, ‘Edward Irving: prophet of the millennium’, in J. Garnett and C. Matthew, eds, Revival and Religion since 1700: Essaysforjohn Walsh (London, 1993), pp. 96-8.

36 See Miller, E., History and Doctrines of Irvingism, 2 vols (London, 1878), 1, pp. 3434 Google Scholar. Cf. R. A. Davenport, Albury Apostles (London, 1974), p. 215. This bond with Anglicanism is reflected in their occasional gifts to the Church of England Clergy Sustentation Fund. See Tierney, David, ‘The Catholic Apostolic Church: a study in Tory Millenarianism’, HR, 63 (1990), p. 310.CrossRefGoogle Scholar