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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 November 2024
1 The rent of £70 (from Sir Thomas Fairfax) on the house in Queen Street, confiscated from her royalist brother-in-law, Lord Digby) was paid direct to Lady Brooke and not included in the accounts: Hopper, Andrew, ‘“To condole with me on the Commonwealth's loss”: The widows and orphans of Parliament's military commanders’, in Appleby, David J. and Hopper, Andrew (eds), Battle-Scarred: Mortality, Medical Care and Military Welfare in the British Civil Wars (Manchester, 2018), 192–210CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 194–195.
2 WCRO, CR 1886, Unpublished main MS catalogue of the Greville of Warwick Castle Collection.
3 For the Bridges family, see App. 4, under Bridges and Ingram. A daughter, Dorothy, married Alexander Tulidah, a radical army officer, and estate official for the Grevilles’ Lincolnshire estates from the 1650s.
4 CR1886/TN5 (previously Box 411/5); cf. TN6 which covers the estates centred on Alcester for Michaelmas 1642 and Lady Day 1643. TN9 covering (mostly) the midland estates for Michaelmas 1646 and Lady Day 1647 matches Hunt's accounts for this year. There are draft receivers’ accounts of Mathew Bridges for Warwickshire from 1648–1649 (TN1452).
5 In three separate payments. For the Providence Island Company, see Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Providence Island 1630–1641: The Other Puritan Colony (Cambridge, 1994); see also WCRO, CR 1866, Box 457 for Providence Island debts, including a schedule drawn up by the Company's secretary William Jessop which differs from the one in the Barrington MSS reprinted by Kupperman, Providence Island, 369–370. In Kupperman's version the total debts are some £700 higher but Brooke's share is £500 lower. This box also includes material on fen drainage ‘too badly damaged to open’.
6 For the Irish Adventurers, see Brown, David, Empire and Enterprise: Money, Power and the Adventurers for Irish Land during the British Civil Wars (Manchester, 2020)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
7 Matthew Bridges kept accounts for Lady Brooke's jointure lands in the midlands and her expenses from 1662 (TN1341 etc). The accounts kept by Lady Brooke's brother and nephew also lack detail on spending by the countesses of Bedford: Thomson, Gladys Scott, Life in a Noble Household (New York, 1937; citations from London edn, 1950), 345Google Scholar.
8 Ann Hughes, Politics, Society and Civil War in Warwickshire, 1620–1660 (Cambridge, 1987), 120, 137–140; Conrad Russell, The Fall of the British Monarchies 1637–1642 (Oxford, 1991), 299–300, 446; Adamson, Noble Revolt, 38–39.
9 Hopper, ‘ “To condole with me on the Commonwealth's loss” ’; Christopher Page, The Guitar in Stuart England: A Social and Musical History (Cambridge, 2017), 41–42.
10 Kate Mertes, The English Noble Household 1250–1600 (Oxford, 1988); Jane Whittle and Elizabeth Griffiths, Consumption and Gender in the Early Seventeenth-Century Household: The World of Alice Le Strange (Oxford, 2012). Scott Thompson, Life in a Noble Household is a pioneering and still relevant discussion. Important editions of accounts include: Todd Gray (ed.), Devon Household Accounts, 1627–1659, Part 1: Three Gentry Families and Part 2: Accounts of Henry, Earl of Bath, Devon and Cornwall Record Society, 38–39 (1995–1996); Mark Merry and Catherine Richardson (eds), The Household Account Book of Sir Thomas Puckering of Warwick 1620: Living in London and the Midlands with his Probate Inventory, 1637, Publications of the Dugdale Society, 45 (2012).
11 From an enormous range of work: Adam Smyth, Autobiography in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2011); Sarah Ward Clavier, ‘Accounting for lives: Autobiography and biography in the accounts of Sir Thomas Myddleton, 1642–1666’, The Seventeenth Century, 35:4 (2020), 453–472; Ann Hughes, ‘ “The Accounts of the Kingdom”: Memory, community and the English Civil War’, in Liesbeth Corens, Kate Peters, and Alexandra Walsham (eds), The Social History of the Archive: Record Keeping in Early Modern Europe, Past & Present Supplement 11, (2016), 311–329.
12 For George Sadeskey, see App. 4.
13 LJ, Vol. 4, p. 540 (8 December 1640).
14 TNA, PROB 11/192/85, proved December 1644 by which time Sir Greville Verney was dead.
15 Brooke, ODNB; Ann Hughes, ‘Thomas Dugard and his circle in the 1630s: A “Parliamentary–Puritan” connexion?’, Historical Journal, 29:4 (1986), 771–793.
16 William Dunn Macray (ed.), History of the Rebellion and Civil Wars in England Begun in the Year 1641 by Edward, Earl of Clarendon, 6 vols (Oxford, 1888), Vol. 1, p. 154; Matthew Sylvester (ed.), Reliquiae Baxterianae (London, 1696), 63.
17 There is no sign in the accounts of the regular meetings between opposition peers like Brooke and leading Puritan ministers, reported by Cornelius Burges to Richard Baxter.
18 John Milton, Areopagitica (London, 1644), 35. ‘John Coachman’ features regularly in the accounts. Philip Styles (ed.), ‘The Genealogie, Life and Death of the Right Honourable Robert, Lord Brooke’, in Robert Bearman (ed.), Miscellany I, Publications of the Dugdale Society, 31 (1977), 159–196, at 173. See further in App. 4.
19 A True Relation of the Lord Brook's Settling of the Militia in Warwickshire (London 1642); The Humble Petition and Resolution (London, 1642).
20 All based on Hughes and Brooke in ODNB.
21 A Worthy Speech Made by the Right Honourable the Lord Brooke (London, 1643).
22 TNA, C6/128/81, Anne Greville versus Katherine, Lady Brooke, and John Bridges, 1655.
23 Ephraim Huit, The Whole Prophecy of Daniel Explained (London, 1643). Members of the Huit family feature as tenants in these accounts.
24 WCRO, CR1886 BL4663, royal command for the wardship of Francis, 3rd Lord Brooke, 15 April 1644.
25 Hopper, ‘ “To condole with me on the Commonwealth's loss” ’, 194–197; Kupperman, Providence Island, 317.
26 TNA, C6/107/12, Katherine, Lady Brooke, versus Ralph Bovey, 1650. See below, Apps 1 and 2.
27 Rainsford blamed the local minister John Bryan for becoming ‘an agent suddenly and secretly to the corporation’ to choose Bedford, ‘the Lady Brooke or their servants desiringe the same as was conceived’: WCRO, W21/6, Warwick Corporation Minute Book, 1610–1662, pp. 148, 281–282.
28 See Scott Thompson, A Noble Household, for the detailed Russell accounts.
29 William Dugdale, The Antiquities of Warwickshire (London, 1656), 343, 571–572.
30 TNA, WARD 2/64/242/6. We are grateful to Diane Strange for this reference. The Wards grant and schedule was presumably ordered by the parliamentarian Court of Wards. It was a product of ‘the office thereof found at Chipping Wycomb [High Wycombe] 28th April 19 Charles I’ [1643], which, if correct, would be less than two months after Brooke's death. It is perhaps back-dated and was drawn up after Lady Brooke's petition to Parliament for a grant of the wardship in August 1644. There are payments in the accounts for March 1644–March 1645 connected with the Court of Wards, including the costs of ‘a coachman to carry the officers of the Court of Wards to Westminster’ and expenses at ‘Wickam’. The grant of the wardship to Lady Brooke is dated on 20 Charles I (also March 1644/5). The schedule has been annotated by people very well acquainted with the Grevilles (presumably including John Bridges, senior) explaining Lord Brooke's tenure of these estates through reference to settlements made by the 1st Lord Brooke, and the marriage settlement and will of the 2nd lord. The grant was in theory dependent on a fee of £3,000. There is no sign this was paid and the Court was in any event abolished by Parliament in 1646, The royalist-controlled Court of Wards had granted the wardship of Francis, 3rd Lord Brooke, to Lord Digby on 13 March 1644, and there is an order to Lady Brooke to surrender custody of her son in the Greville archives: Hopper, ‘ “To condole with me on the Commonwealth's loss” ’, 194.
31 Hughes, 24, based on draft rent accounts in WCRO, CR1886 Boxes 411–412.
32 WCRO, W21/6, Warwick Corporation Minute Book, 1610–1662, fos 145, 148; Rainsford, ‘A Remonstrance setting forth the occasion of the many suites and troubles of the Towne and how they thereby became indebted’, ibid. fos 259–283 (281–282 is on Recorders). Rainsford and his son and namesake, a vintner, are mentioned briefly in the accounts.
33 Hearth Tax, parish of St Andrew's Holborn: https://www.british-history.ac.uk/london-hearth-tax/london-mddx/1666/st-andrew-holborn-st-andrew-holborn (accessed 11 June 2024).
34 London Metropolitan Archives, MS04251/001, St Andrew's Holborn, Vestry Minutes. Hackett was present in April 1643, but was sequestered from this living in October 1643 (but not apparently from Cheam in Surrey): A.G. Matthews (ed.), Walker Revised: Being a Revision of John Walker's Sufferings of the Clergy during the Grand Rebellion, 1642–60 (Oxford, 1948), 40.
35 W.A. Eden, Marie P.G. Draper, W.F. Grimes, and Audrey Williams, Survey of London, Vol. 28, Brook House, Hackney (London, 1960), https://www.british-history.ac.uk/survey-london/vol28 (accessed 11 June 2024). Adamson, Noble Revolt, 67 suggests that the 2nd Lord Brooke had a pew in Hackney church, but that may be a confusion with his son Robert, 4th Lord Brooke, who lived in Hackney in the 1660s and was a vestryman there.
36 Stone, Lawrence, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558–1641 (Oxford, 1965), 276–293Google Scholar; Scott Thomson, Life in a Noble Household; Thomson, Gladys Scott, The Russells in Bloomsbury 1669–1771 (London, 1940)Google Scholar; O'Day, Rosemary, An Elite Family in Early Modern England: The Temples of Stowe and Burton Dassett (Woodbridge, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Whittle, Jane, ‘A different pattern of employment’, in Whittle, Jane (ed.), Servants in Rural Europe 1400–1900 (Woodbridge, 2017), 57–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Richardson, R.C., Household Servants in Early Modern England (Manchester, 2010)Google Scholar; Merry and Richardson, Household Account Book of Sir Thomas Puckering, 54–60. Gray, Devon Household Accounts, 1627–1659, Parts 1 and 2.
37 Cf. Scott Thompson, A Noble Household, 213, demonstrates that cleaners and other casual workers in Bedford House in London were often not named, whereas those at Woburn usually were.
38 There was also a butler's chamber at Holborn, although it is a little early for this to be a defined role.
39 The earl of Bath's chaplain had £20 per annum: Gray, Devon Household Accounts, Part 2; Scott Thompson, Life in a Noble Household.
40 The earl of Bath also had a black servant: Gray (ed.), Devon Household Accounts, Part 2, xxxi.
41 Gray (ed.), Devon Household Accounts, Part 2, xxxi.
42 Stone, Crisis of the Aristocracy, 288–289; see also Hainsworth, D.R., Stewards, Lords and People: The Estate Steward and his World in Later Stuart England (Cambridge, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
43 Dillingham was paid £236 in the Lord's lifetime, and £145 (in five instalments) after his death.
44 For the long, close relationship between the earl of Northumberland and his ‘gentleman servant’, Robert Scawen, see Adamson, John, ‘Of armies and architecture: The employments of Robert Scawen’, in Gentles, Ian, Morrill, John, and Worden, Blair (eds), Soldiers, Writers and Statesmen of the English Revolution (Cambridge, 1998), 37–67Google Scholar.
45 The accounts of the earl of Bath offer fruitful comparison with the burdens on Greville lands.
46 Stephens, W.B. (ed.), A History of the County of Warwick: Vol. 8: The City of Coventry and Borough of Warwick (London, 1969), 460Google Scholar; WCRO, CR1886, TN21 Accounts of Katherine, Lady Brooke (year ending Michaelmas 1653).
47 WCRO, CR1886/Cupboard 4/Topshelf/EMS/1, Lane may also have been employed by the Grevilles as most payments to glaziers in the accounts do not give a name.
48 CSPD, 1651–1652, pp. 158, 212, 596; TNA, SP 18/24/1, f. 8; SP 25/66, f. 545.
49 CAOD; Hughes, 194–202.
50 TNA, E101/612/64; SP 28/259B; E134, 14 and 15 Charles II, Hil. 20; SP 28/136, Johnson's accounts; WCRO, CR1886, Box 112. More tenants and servants of the Grevilles might be identifiable through the musters recorded in TNA, SP 28/121A, but the prevalence of common names makes certainty elusive. There is a Thomas Cross, for example, in Joseph Hawksworth's troop of horse who might have been related to the senior servant Richard Cross.
51 Draft accounts of John Bryan: TNA, SP 28/201, Bridges’ order, 28 November 1642.
52 For versions of Bryan's accounts: TNA, SP 28/186; SP 28/136; and SP 28/201 (two versions). He had paid most of the money collected to Hinde. The 1647 account is quoted from SP 28/201.
53 Hawksworth succeeded Bridges in February 1649.
54 TNA, SP 16/511/57 i.
55 TNA, SP 28/36, fos 255–259.
56 Hughes, 72–75. Many of Brooke's political contacts in London left no financial record.
57 For the Russells’ problems with coaches, see Scott Thompson, A Noble Household, 54.
58 Perhaps the Greville children were provided with almost immediately disposable gloves to protect their hands and keep them clean.
59 We are influenced here by the analysis in Merry and Richardson, Household Account Book of Sir Thomas Puckering, 44–46.
60 For Coleman and Sadler, see App. 4. Lady Brooke's gift to the Coventry waites in Halford 1641–1642 is additional evidence for the love of music in the household; for similar school books purchased for their Russell cousins, see Scott Thompson, Life in a Noble Household, 75.