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Detachment from despotism: US responses to tsarism, 1776–1865*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 October 2009

Extract

The implosion of the Soviet idea over the course of 1989 to 1991, culminating in the collapse of the Soviet Union itself, promises to reshape the region along lines of historic ethnic, and even religious division. That development requires those interested in American-Russian relations to take a more historical approach to analysis than might have been the case hitherto. The past is, of course, not necessarily a guide to events in the present or future. None the less, current debates about how deeply the United States should be involved in Russian affairs should benefit from better familiarity with the historical record, in particular of that period before the relationship between the two countries suffered from mutual ideological and geopolitical animus. It is sometimes forgotten, or else too briefly remembered, that relations between the United States and Russia extend back to the dawn of an independent American diplomacy. Similarly, it is not always recalled that for much of the nineteenth century, especially prior to the Civil War, those relations were relatively amicable, although also distant and detached. An overview of the period may therefore be useful today, for the degree to which the United States can afford o t detach itself from Russia is again of main concern. A related area of interest and debate is the role of public opinion in possibly forcing confrontation on issues where national elites might prefer to maintain cordial relations. This essay seeks to cast light on these areas of current interest, by focusing on the interplay between public enthusiasms in the United States for diplomatic intervention in Russia, and official political calculations in American diplomacy prior to 1865. It argues that the resulting policy had mostly to do with a detachment from Russian despotism, born of the physical isolation of the United States, its lack of truly significant contacts with Russia, but also its own deeply flawed republicanism.

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Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © British International Studies Association 1993

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References

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12 Britain adhered to a doctrine which claimed the ‘indefeasible allegiance’ of subjects, whereas the United States was developing a contrary doctrine of a right of expatriation, or naturalization. Naturalization historically has been of great importance to America, a nation of immigrants. European countries mostly ignored United States claims during the eighteenth and much of the nineteenth centuries. The breakthrough came with the Bancroft Conventions, signed with the North German Confederation and other German and Scandinavian states in 1868. A similar convention was concluded with Britain in 1870. However, the United States was not able to obtain tsarist agreement, and for decades engaged in a running dispute over Russian refusal to recognize American naturalizations, and the not infrequent detention and imprisonment of American citizens, especially Jews. Inter alia, see the author's The United States and Tsarist Anti-Semitism, 1865–1914’, Diplomacy and Statecraft 3, no. 3 (November 1992), pp. 439467CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the extension of this and other human rights issues into the Soviet period, see Nolan, , Principled Diplomacy: Security and Rights in U.S. Foreign Policy (Greenwood, 1993)Google Scholar. The definitive interpretation of Unite d States naturalization policy is Department of State, Digest of International Law (vol. 8), ed. Whiteman, Marjorie M. (GPO, 1967), pp. 1187Google Scholar. On developments up to World War I, see Hackworth, Green H., Digest of International Law, 2nd edn (New York, Washington, 1942), III, pp. 377417Google Scholar; and Hyde, Charles C., International Law Chiefly as Interpreted and Applied by the United States, 2nd edn (New York, Washington, 1945), pp. 11051111Google Scholar.

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15 ‘Madison: Message to the Senate’, 26 June 1809, in DRAR, p. 1. Madison and Alexander quoted in Gaddis, John L., Russia, the Soviet Union, and the United States (New York, 1978), p. 6Google Scholar; and see Robert Rutland, ‘James Madison, Foreign Policy, and the Union’, in Graebner (ed.), American Diplomacy: 1790–1865, pp. 57–94.

16 See documentation and correspondence in BOR; and Charles Adams, Francis (ed.), Memoirs of John Quincy Adams (J.B. Lippincott, 1874)Google Scholar, II, passim, but especially pp. 178–255. A lively, popular account is Hale, William, ‘The Yankee and the Czar’, in America and Russia, ed. Jenson, Oliver (New York, 1962), pp. 1739Google Scholar.

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19 Stagg, Mr. Madison's War, pp. 501–10. Correspondence on the mediation effort, drawn from United States and Russian sources, in BOR pp. 878ff. Also, Memoirs of JQA, II, pp. 401ff. Ghent was not the last Russian effort at mediation of an Anglo-American dispute. It would be involved again in 1821, 1823, 1826, and 1862.

20 BOR, pp. 644–5; Saul, Distant Friends, pp. 65–6.

21 Saul, Distant Friends, pp. 80–1. Thomas Bailey remarks: ‘The whole unhappy affair was scarcely more than a tempest in a samovar’, but accurately adds, ‘it demolishes the legend that all was sweetness and light in early diplomatic dealings with Russia, and that there had never been … any rupture of relations prior to the time of the Bolsheviks’. America Faces Russia (Peter Smith, 1964), p. 25Google Scholar.

22 DeConde, History, I, pp. 130–1.

23 Quoted in Bailey, America Faces Russia, p. 27.

24 ‘July 4th Address, 1821’, JQA Papers, p. 45.

25 ‘Monroe: Proclamation’, 29 July 1823, DRAR, pp. 2–3.

26 Key passages from the ukase (edict) which sparked concern about Russian plans to expand in the Pacific Northwest in Barratt, Glynn, Russia in Pacific Waters, 1715–1825 (UBC Press, 1981), pp. 217218Google Scholar, and companion discussion. Of minor interest for the background of Russian concerns see Correspondence of the Russian Ministers in Washington, 1818–1825, Part 2’, American Historical Review, 18, no. 3 (April 1913), pp. 537562CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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28 Jefferson, for one, wrote Monroe that the effect of such a declaration would be to cause Britain to move into alliance with the United States, and thereby that war would be avoided, not provoked. ‘Letter To James Monroe’, 24 October 1823, The Portable Jefferson, ed. Peterson, Merrill (Penguin, 1975), pp. 574577Google Scholar.

29 In the best recent treatment, Harry Ammon concludes that the danger of intervention by the Holy Alliance was negligible, but also that Monroe and his advisors (with the notable exception of Adams) regarded it as very serious. See his The Monroe Doctrine: Domestic Politics or National Decision?Diplomatic History (Winter 1981): pp. 5270Google Scholar; and Ammon, , ‘James Monroe and the Persistence of Republican Virtue’, in Graebner, Norman (ed.), Traditions and Values: American Diplomacy, 1790–1865 (University Press of America, 1985), pp. 7596Google Scholar. That caution agains t too much hindsight echoes Varg, Paul A., United States Foreign Relations, 1820–1860 (Michigan State, 1979), pp. 4859Google Scholar; and cf. DeConde, History, pp. 130–43.

30 ‘JQA: Diary entry’, 7 November 1823, in Great Issues in American History, ed., Hofstadter, Richard (Vintage, 1958), I, pp. 242243Google Scholar.

31 ‘Convention as to the Pacific Ocean and Northwest Coast of America’, 12 January 1825. Text in DRAR, pp. 3–4.

32 ‘JQA: Second Annual Message to Congress’, 5 December 1826, CMPP, II, pp. 916–17.

33 ‘JQA: Third Annual Message to Congress’, 4 December 1827, DRAR: p. 8; Riasanovsky, History of Russia, pp. 355–7; Venturi, Franco, Studies in Free Russia (Chicago, 1982), pp. 59139Google Scholar; and Ulam, Adam, Russia's Failed Revolutions, (New York, 1981).Google Scholar

34 Laserson perhaps exaggerates when he claims that for three decades after 1825 ‘America became a forbidden country’ to Russian intellectuals. American Impact, p. 137. For emphasis on an articulate minority among the Russian aristocracy vitally interested in things American, see Saul, Distant Friends, pp. 149–65. And cf. Bayler, Joseph, ‘James Buchanan's “Calm of Despotism”,’ Pennsylvania Magazine of History (January 1953), pp. 299304Google Scholar, where both responses are detailed. A useful overview is Allen, Robert V., Russian Looks at America: The View to 1917 (Library of Congress, 1988)Google Scholar, in particular pp. 6–33.

35 Latner, Richard B., ‘Andrew Jackson’, in Graff, Henry (ed.), The Presidents (New York, 1984), p. 122Google Scholar.

36 ‘Jackson: Second Annual Message to Congress’, 6 December 1831; ‘Sixth Annual Message’, 1 December 1834; ‘Seventh Annual Message’, 7 December 1835, DRAR, pp. 11–12.

37 Belohlavek, John M., ‘Let the Eagle Soar’: The Foreign Policy of Andrew Jackson (Nebraska, 1985), pp. 8284Google Scholar. There was even an effort to raise American volunteer s for Poland. Bolkhovitinov, N. N., ‘Russian-American Rapproachement and the Commercial Treaty of 1832’, Soviet Studies in History (Winter 1980-1981), p. 38Google Scholar.

38 Quoted in Bayler, ‘Buchanan’, pp. 298–302; and in Bailey, America Faces Russia, p. 47. Original texts in Works of James Buchanan, ed. Moore, John (Antiquarian Press, 1960)Google Scholar, II, pp. 198–9, p. 265.

39 Belohlavek, Let the Eagle Soar, pp. 86–7. Buchanan later wrote in his diary that the Tsar ‘could have pursued no other course with safety toward the Poles than that which he did’. Entry for 16 June 1833, Works of James Buchanan, III, p. 300.

40 On Buchanan's inept handling of the national crisis of 1857–61, see Catton, Bruce, The Coming Fury (Doubleday, 1961), pp. 123127Google Scholar; Holt, Michael, The Political Crisis of the 1850s (New York, 2978)Google Scholar; and Elbert Smith, ‘James Buchanan’, in Graff, (ed.), Presidents, pp. 235–51. A different view is Weatherman, Donald, ‘James Buchanan, Slavery and Secession’, Presidential Studies Quarterly (Fall 1985), pp. 796805Google Scholar.

41 ‘Dispatch To Jackson’, 29 May 1833, Works of James Buchanan, II, pp. 338–41.

42 Ibid. pp. 218–19. Baylor appears to underestimate the degree to which Buchanan, and perhaps Jackson too, saw in serfdom a reflection of American slave-holding interests. ‘Buchanan’, pp. 302–3. See the richly documented and thoughtful comparative study of the two systems by Holchin, Peter, Unfree Labor: American Slavery and Russian Serfdom (Belknap Press, 1987)Google Scholar, especially the fine discussion of the ideals and ideology of the respective landowning classes, pp. 157–91.

43 ‘To [S/S] Edward Livingston’, 20 December 1832, Works of James Buchanan, III, p. 300. There is nothing in Buchanan's papers which suggests he made the slightest effort to assess the situation in Poland firsthand.

44 Saul, Distant Friends, p. 119.

45 Wieczerzak, Joseph, ‘The Polish Insurrection of 1830–31 in the American Press’, Polish Review (Winter/Spring 1961), pp. 5372Google Scholar; Lerski, Jerzy, A Polish Chapter in Jacksonian America (Wisconsin, 1958)Google Scholar; Belohlavek, Let the Eagle Soar, pp. 87–8. Bolkhovitinov, ‘Commercial Treaty of 1832’, pp. 66–8. Wieczerzak's view of press reaction stresses the distortions caused by heavy editorial dependence on British and French sources, but also points to the lack of understanding of most Russian officials of the workings of a free press.

46 Bailey, America Faces Russia, pp. 39–43. Bailey has been criticized for reading Cold War sentiments back int o the nineteenth century history of Russian-American relations, yet his book remains one of the few which treats as important popular attitudes toward Russia in 1830. Cf. the criticism of Bailey by Bolkhovitinov and the latter's own rather odd reference to Buchanan as ‘the enlightened diplomat’ in ‘Commercial Treaty of 1832’, p. 45, and accompanying note 112.

47 The ‘Treaty of Navigation and Commerce’, signed on December 18, 1832, provided principally for tariff reductions and related guarantees and assurances, and most critically, for Most-Favoured-Nation designation. Of particular interest for this study, it also included a somewhat cavalier agreement by the United States to assist Russian Consuls in their efforts ‘for the search, arrest, detention and imprisonment of the deserters of the ships of war and merchant vessels of their country’ (Article IX). Text in DRAR, pp. 8–11. It was one of several such commercial treaties signed by the Jackson administration; others were signed with Turkey, giving the United States better access to Black Sea trade, with Britain concerning West Indies trade, and with Siam, the first such compact between the United States and a nation in Asia.

48 Quoted in Saul, Distant Friends, p. 163.

49 ‘First Annual Message to Congress’, 5 December 1837, DRAR, p. 12.

50 ‘Fourth Annual Message to Congress’, 3 December 1844, DRAR, p. 13. On private American contractors working in Russia, see the well-documented discussion in Saul, Distant Friends, pp. 128–47.

51 Inter alia see Graebner, Norman, Empire on the Pacific (Regina, 1989)Google Scholar; and Singletary, Otis, The Mexican War (Chicago, 1960)Google Scholar.

52 Still useful studies are May, Arthur J., Contemporary American Opinion of the Mid-Century Revolutions in Central Europe (Philadelphia, 1927)Google Scholar; and Curti, Merle, ‘Austria and the United States, 1848–1852’, Smith College Studies in History, 11, no.3 (April 1926)Google Scholar.

53 Complete text in The Writings and Speeches of Daniel Webster (Boston, 1903), XII, pp. 165178Google Scholar.

54 Quoted in Saul, Distant Friends, pp. 169–71.

55 Smith, , The Presidencies of Zachary Taylor and Millard Fillmore (Kansas, 1988), pp. 231232Google Scholar. Also, Norman Graebner, ‘Zachary Taylor and Millard Fillmore’, in Graff (ed.), Presidents, pp. 119–221. An engaging account of Kossuth's tour and impact is Spencer, Donald, Louis Kossuth and Young America (Missouri, 1977).Google Scholar

56 ‘First Annual Message to Congress’, 4 December 1849, DRAR, p. 13; and H. Res. (Rep. Alex Buel), 20 February 1850, Congressional Globe.

57 Arthur Schlesinger Jr. appears to misread Hale's intentions in ‘Human Rights and the American Tradition’, Foreign Affairs (America and the World, 1978), pp. 506508Google Scholar. A more accurate account is Spencer, Kossuth and Young America, pp.72–5.

58 Congressional Globe, 31st Cong. 2nd Sess., 7 January 1850, pp. 113–16.

59 See extensive entries in Congressional Globe, 32nd Cong., 1st Sess., vol. 24; and S.Res. 16, ibid., 31 March 1852, vol. 28.

60 Spencer, Kossuth and Young America, pp. 72–5; and see Hale's entry in Biographical Directory of the Congress, 1774–1949 (Washington).

61 Congressional Globe, 31st Cong. 2nd Sess., 7 January 1850, pp. 113–16.

62 Bailey, America Faces Russia, pp. 57–8, p. 64.

63 Quoted in Gaddis, United Slates and Russia, p. 20.

64 ‘Convention Regarding the Rights of Neutrals at Sea’, in DRAR, pp. 14–15; Dvoichenko-Markov, Eufrosina, ‘Americans in the Crimean War’. Russian Review, 13 (April 1954), pp. 137145CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dowty, Alan, Limits of American Isolation: The United States and the Crimean War (NYU Press, 1971)Google Scholar; Golder, Frank, ‘Russian-American Relations During the Crimean War’. American Historical Review (April 1926), pp. 462476CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Varg, United States Foreign Relations, pp. 203–12; and Saul, Distant Friends, pp. 198–236. Anti-British rather than pro-Russian sentiment was most pronounced, as one might expect, among the hundreds of thousands of recent immigrants who had fled the great famine of the late 1840s in Ireland. On American press coverage of the Crimean conflict, see the short article by Oliva, L. Jay, ‘America Meets Russia: 1854’, Journalism Quarterly (Winter/Spring 1963), pp. 6569CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65 Saul's discussion of Russian aims is clear and concise, drawing deeply upon tsarist archives. Ibid. pp. 321–54. Cf. Woldman, Albert, Lincoln and the Russians (World, 1952)Google Scholar; and Rogger, Hans, ‘Russia and The Civil War’, in Hyman, Harold, (ed.) Heard Round the World (Knopf, 1969), pp. 177255Google Scholar.

66 Quoted in Saul, Distant Friends, p. 333. Original emphasis.

67 Ibid. Laserson, American Impact, pp. 162–204; and Crook, David, North, the South, and the Powers: 1861–1865, (New York, 1974), pp. 234241Google Scholar. The Trent affair roused widespread anti-Union feeling in Britain, and precipitated a major diplomatic crisis, which might have led to war. It developed with Northern seizure of two Confederate diplomats from a British ship, the Trent, an act protested vehemently by Whitehall and within Parliament and the UK press. Its resolution came after Seward convinced Lincoln to apologise and return the diplomats.

68 Catton, , Terrible Swift Sword, (Doubleday, 1963), pp. 448480Google Scholar. Crook argues that emancipation had limited importance for British policy, in North/South, pp. 236–4. But cf. Adams, Ephraim, Great Britain and the American Civil War, (London, 1925), II, pp. 98115Google Scholar, an older study which argues that the slavery question was critical. Also see Graebner, Norman, ‘Northern Diplomacy and European Neutrality’, in Why the North Won the Civil War, ed. Donald, David (Louisiana, 1960), pp. 4975Google Scholar, for emphasis on power interests; and more generally, Ferris, Norman, Desperate Diplomacy (Tennessee, 1976)Google Scholar; and Owsley, Frank L., King Cotton Diplomacy (Chicago, 1959).Google Scholar

69 Golder, Frank, ‘The Russian Fleet and the Civil War’, American Historical Review (July 1915), pp. 801812CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bailey, Thomas, ‘The Russian Fleet Myth Re-examined’, Mississippi Valley Historical Review (June 1951), pp. 8190CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a subtle updating of those earlier conclusions, see Saul, Distant Friends, pp. 339–54.

70 Saul, Distant Friends, pp. 336–9; and Grzelonski, Poles In The United Stales, pp. 136–47.

71 An insightful study of the liberal assumptions which underpinned American isolationism prior to the Civil War is Welter, Rush, The Mind Of America, 1820–1860 (New York, 1975)Google Scholar. Welter nicely emphasizes that the conflict between an interest in isolation and a national impulse toward missionary diplomacy was reconciled through a passive conception of American exceptionalism. Thus, the sense of mission became one of service through example, of benign liberal government and manners, and an openness to asylum for refugees from foreign persecution.

72 A new pugnacious spirit in United States diplomacy was evident as early as 1865 with regard to Mexico. It was especially apparent from the 1880s toward Latin America, where on more than one occasion threats of force were made in response to presumed national slights that were truly trivial in nature. That attitude at the official level helped feed into the surge of expansive jingoism that underlay the Spanish-American War. With regard to Russia, a marked deterioration in relations developed most importantly over a clash of interests in the Far East, where United States commercial ventures were expanding, but also because in the 1880s and 1890s a massive inflow of destitute Russian Jews placed severe strains on United States charity and the labour market, and eroded earlier positive images of Russian society. See note 12, above.