1. ISNA 2014 Annual Convention Program, “Generation Rise: Elevating Muslim American Culture,” 8 (http://webcache.googleusercontent.com/search?q=cache:MkwR5beJ6CEJ:www.isna.net/uploads/1/5/7/4/15744382/51_convention_program_14_web.pdf+&cd=2&hl=en&ct=clnk&gl=us&client=firefox-a, accessed November 11, 2014)Google Scholar. Compare with page 1 of the ISNA Development Foundation's 2013 “Sponsorship Package” pamphlet for potential corporate donors (http://www.isna.net/uploads/1/5/7/4/15744382/sponsorship_booklet_csrl_2013.pdf, accessed August 15, 2014).

2. The events of 9/11 challenged the common assumption that Muslim immigrants will follow the same route to acceptance as earlier Catholic and Jewish immigrants, as Haddad, Yvonne Yazbeck, Smith, Jane I., and Esposito, John L. note in their “Introduction: Becoming American—Religion, Identity, and Institution Building in the American Mosaic,” in Religion and Immigration: Christian, Jewish, and Muslim Experiences in the United States, ed. Haddad, Smith, and Esposito, , (Walnut Creek, Calif.: AltaMira Press, 2003), 3 Google Scholar. As this article makes clear, however, 9/11 did not dispel that hope.

3. Rauf, Feisal Abdul, What's Right with Islam: A New Vision for Muslims and the West (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 2004)Google Scholar. I discuss Rauf's work and the Islamic center controversy in greater detail in Corbett, Rosemary R. Making Moderate Islam: Sufism, Service, and the “Ground Zero Mosque” Controversy (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2016)Google Scholar.

4. See, for example, Moore, Deborah Dash, “Jewish GIs and the Creation of the Judeo-Christian Tradition,” Religion and American Culture 8 (December 1998): 31–53 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wilson, J. F. and Drakeman, D. L., Church and State in American History (Boulder: Westview Press, 2003)Google Scholar; and Todd, J. T., “The Temple of Religion and the Politics of Religious Pluralism: Judeo-Christian America at the 1939–1940 New York World's Fair,” in After Pluralism: Reimagining Religious Engagement, ed. Bender, Courtney and Klassen, Pamela E. (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010), 201–24Google Scholar.

5. Pfiffner, James P., “Government Legitimacy and the Role of the Civil Service,” in The Future of Merit: Twenty Years after the Civil Service Reform Act, ed. Pfiffner, James P. and Brooks, Douglas A. (Washington, D.C.: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2000), 15–38 Google Scholar; Kellough, J. Edward, Understanding Affirmative Action: Politics, Discrimination, and the Search for Justice (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 2006), 21–36 Google Scholar; and Yellin, Eric S., Racism in the Nation's Service: Government Workers and the Color Line in Woodrow Wilson's America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2016)Google Scholar.

6. Although the Rockefeller Foundation sought a federal charter at the beginning of the twentieth century, it was ultimately forced to accept state accreditation due to a hostile climate in Congress during the 1911 antitrust suit. Chernow, Ron, Titan: The Life of John D. Rockefeller, Sr. (New York: Vintage Books, 2004), 314–22, 550–70Google Scholar; quote on 564. On the rise of “scientific” philanthropy and private foundations, see also Sealander, Judith, “Curing Evils at Their Source: The Arrival of Scientific Giving,” in Charity, Philanthropy, and Civility in American History, ed. Friedman, Lawrence and McGarvie, Mark (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 217–40Google Scholar.

7. Several historians have documented dominant American liberal Protestant understandings of progress and emphasis on assimilation. Especially instructive here are Wenger, Tisa, We Have a Religion: The 1920s Pueblo Indian Dance Controversy and American Religious Freedom (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gaultiere, Sarah, Between Arab and White: Race and Ethnicity in the Early Syrian American Diaspora (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2009)Google Scholar; Goldstein, Eric L., The Price of Whiteness: Jews, Race, and American Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006)Google Scholar; and the essays in Goldschmidt, Henry and McAlister, Elizabeth, eds., Race, Nation, and Religion in the Americas (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8. Strong, Josiah, Our Country: Its Possible Future and Its Present Crisis (New York: American Home Missionary Society, 1885), 179–82Google Scholar. An anonymous writer for the New York Times reported on Strong's creation of the League for Social Service (“League for Social Service”) on January 14, 1899.

9. Cranston, Mary Rankin, “What Is the American Institute of Social Service,” New York Times (May 20, 1906)Google Scholar. Crucially, for Strong and his social gospel colleagues, such betterment required reforming the lives and habits of both donors and recipients.

10. Krisch, Joshua A., “When Racism Was a Science: ‘Haunted Files: The Eugenics Records Office’ Recreates a Dark Time in a Laboratory’s Past,” New York Times, October 13, 2014.Google Scholar

11. Curtis, Edward E., Muslims in America: A Short History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009), 29–30.Google Scholar

12. Ibid., 53–54.

13. In fact, with a few notable exceptions like Khan, Muslims affiliated with mutual-aid societies generally did not appreciate the stakes of claiming that their religious traditions supported service to humanity and common ethnics. Most grouped together under ethnic or nationalist terms, rather than in religious ones (Curtis, Muslims in America, 68–69). A few exceptions to this trend may be found in Blige, Barbara, “Voluntary Associations in the Old Turkish Muslim Community of Metropolitan Detroit,” in Muslim Communities in North America, ed. Haddad, Yvonne Yazbeck and Smith, Jane Idleman (Abany: SUNY Press, 1994), 381–406.Google Scholar

14. Barnett, Michael, Empire of Humanity: A History of Humanitarianism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2011), 76–96 Google Scholar.

15. Allan W. Austin, Quaker Brotherhood: Interracial Activism and the American Friends Service Committee, 1917–1950 (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2012), 9–14.

16. Bristow, Nancy K., Making Men Moral: Social Engineering during the Great War (New York: New York University Press, 1998), 17 Google Scholar. See also Durham, Weldon B., “Commission on Training Camp Activities,” in The United States in the First World War: An Encyclopedia, ed. Venzon, Anne Cipriano (New York: Garland Publications, 1995), 159–61Google Scholar.

17. Bristow, Making Men Moral, 35–37.

18. On the Knights of Columbus, see Durham, “Commission on Training Camp Activities,” 160. Information regarding the National Catholic War Council can be found on the Catholic University of America archives’ website under “National Catholic Community Service” (http://archives.lib.cua.edu/findingaid/nccs.cfm, accessed January 7, 2013) and in Dolan, Jay P., The American Catholic Experience: A History from Colonial Times to the Present (Notre Dame, Ind.: the University of Notre Dame Press, 1992), 353 Google Scholar.

19. Museum of Family History, “We Supported Our Troops: The Jewish Welfare Board” (available at http://www.museumoffamilyhistory.com/wsot-jwb.htm; accessed January 7, 2013)Google Scholar.

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21. Durham, “Commission on Training Camp Activities,” 161. After the conflict, the JWB effectively took over the work of the Young Men's Hebrew Association. The organization is now known as the Jewish Community Center Association (Olitzky, “Jewish Welfare Board,” 312).

22. Quoted in Faraone, Joan, “The Evolution of the Secretariat of Hispanic Affairs of NCCB/USCCB and Its Contribution to Catechesis for Hispanics/Latinos in the United States” (Ph.D. diss., Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C., 2009), 21.Google Scholar

23. Editorial, “Community Service,” New York Times (June 1, 1919). After World War I, the army assumed nominal control of the organization, simplifying its name to “Community Service” and folding it into the army’s offices for Education and Recreation (Bristow, Making Men Moral, 81).

24. Katznelson, Ira, When Affirmative Action Was White: The Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Century America (New York: W.W. Norton, 2006), 43–48.Google Scholar

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26. Curtis, Muslims in America, 38–39.

27. Young, William H. and Young, Nancy K., World War II and the Postwar Years in America: A Historical and Cultural Encyclopedia, vol. 1 (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO Publishing, 2010), 739–40.Google Scholar

28. On anticommunism and antisecularism as the animating impulse of interreligious coalition building during this time, see Gaston, K. Healan, “Demarcating Democracy: Liberal Catholics, Protestants, and the Discourse of Secularism,” in American Religious Liberalism, ed. Schmidt, Leigh E. and Promey, Sally (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2012), 337–58Google Scholar.

29. Quoted in Rockefeller's biography on the Rockefeller Archive Center website, “John D. Rockefeller, Junior, 1874–1960” (available at http://www.rockarch.org/bio/jdrjr.php, accessed July 5, 2011).

30. Quoted in Suri, Jeremi, Henry Kissinger and the American Century (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2007), 59 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

31. Ibid., 61.

32. Dash Moore, “Jewish GIs,” 39–41; Suri, Henry Kissinger and the American Century, 62–65.

33. Suri, Henry Kissinger and the American Century, 61.

34. As Laura Levitt has demonstrated, such framings often provide less room for diversity than they seem and accommodate Jewish Americans only insofar as they remain religious, leaving secular Jews at the limits of liberal Protestant-secular inclusion. See Levitt, , “Impossible Assimilations, American Liberalism, and Jewish Difference: Revisiting Jewish Secularism,” American Quarterly 59 (September 2007), 807–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

35. Olson, Keith, “The G.I. Bill and Higher Education: Success and Surprise,” American Quarterly 25 (December 1973), 596–610.CrossRefGoogle Scholar See also Mettler, Suzanne, Soldiers to Citizens: The G.I. Bill and the Making of the Greatest Generation (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005)Google Scholar; Keane, Jennifer, Doughboys, the Great War, and the Remaking of America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; and on failures of the G.I., Bill, Katznelson, Ira, When Affirmative Action Was White (New York: W.W. Norton), 2006 Google Scholar.

36. On the World War II refugee crisis and proliferation of humanitarian aid agencies, see Calhoun, Craig C., “The Imperative to Reduce Suffering: Charity, Progress, and Emergencies in the Field of Humanitarian Action,” in Humanitarianism in Question: Politics, Power, Ethics, ed. Barnett, Michael and Weiss, Thomas G. (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008), 82–83 Google Scholar. For the U.S. government's role in encouraging—and funding—religious voluntary organizations to provide services, see McCleary, Rachel M., Global Compassion: Private Voluntary Organizations and U.S. Foreign Policy since 1939 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Hammack, David C., “Failure and Resilience: Pushing the Limits in Depression and Wartime,” in Friedman and McGarvie, Charity, Philanthropy, and Civility in American History, 263–80Google Scholar.

37. Mennonite Church USA Historical Committee and Archives, “A Century of Ministry: Mennonite Church Programs in Context” (http://www.mcusa-archives.org/Features/centryofmin-narrative.htm, accessed February 6, 2011.)

38. Neal, Joan, “Transformation from Relief to a Justice and Solidarity Focus,” in The Pulse of Humanitarian Assistance, ed. Cahill, Kevin M. (New York: Fordham University Press and The Center for International Humanitarian Cooperation, 2007), 279–80Google Scholar.

39. All quotes of this speech are from the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum transcript, “Address of Senator John F. Kennedy to the Greater Houston Ministerial Association, September 12, 1960” (http://www.jfklibrary.org/AssetViewer/ALL6YEBJMEKYGMCntnSCvg.aspx, accessed October 18, 2013). As Thomas J. Carty discusses, Kennedy had supported funding for Catholic schools while serving as a U.S. Representative from a heavily Catholic Massachusetts district, but reversed course when seeking a national constituency and anti-Catholic lobbyists and Protestant liberals quickly opposed him. See Carty, , “Protestant-Catholic Conflict in the United States: The Cases of John F. Kennedy and Ronald W. Reagan,” in Protestant-Catholic Conflict from the Reformation to the Twenty-First Century: The Dynamics of Religious Difference, ed. Wolffe, John (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013), 188–218.Google Scholar

40. On the school wars and Protestant appeals to secularism, see Fessenden, Tracy, Culture and Redemption: Religion, the Secular, and American Literature (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), 60–83 Google Scholar.

41. John F. Kennedy Presidential Library and Museum transcript of John F. Kennedy, “Inaugural Address, 20 January 1961” (http://www.jfklibrary.org/AssetViewer/BqXIEM9F4024ntFl7SVAjA.aspx, accessed October 18, 2013).

42. Kennedy had proposed an updated version of New Deal projects—a “Youth Conservation Corps,” as he called it—as early as 1960. See “Remarks of Senator John F. Kennedy, Lewisburg-White Sulphur Springs, West Virginia, May 4, 1960,” in “John F. Kennedy Speeches” at the JFK Presidential Library and Museum (http://www.jfklibrary.org/Research/Research-Aids/JFK-Speeches/Lewisburg-WV_19600504.aspx, accessed October 18, 2003).

43. Allen, David, “Religion and Politics in the Kennedy Era, 1953–1965” (M.Phil. thesis, University of Cambridge, June 2012), 13–14, 89Google Scholar.

44. “Speech of Senator John F. Kennedy, CowPalace, San Francisco, 2 November 1960,” (http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=25928#axzz1v1QQM4S6 and quoted in ibid., 92–93).

45. Hoffman, All You Need Is Love, 47–48 (quoted in Allen, “Religion and Politics in the Kennedy Era,” 93).

46. Allen, “Religion and Politics in the Kennedy Era,” 103. Despite Kennedy's campaign assurances, the issue of public funding for Catholic schools again incited fierce debate during his first months in office.

47. Ibid., 106

48. Wicklein, John, “Peace Corps Ties Stir Church Issue,” New York Times (June 19, 1961), 1–2 Google Scholar.

49. Memorandum of Conversation, July 7, 1961, Office of the Director, Peace Corps, Box 19 (quoted in Allen, “Religion and Politics in the Kennedy Era,” 110–11; on Rusk and Moyers, see Allen 111–12).

50. Wicklein, “Peace Corps,” 2; Allen, “Religion and Politics in the Kennedy Era,” 114–16. On the attitudes of NAE officials toward Kennedy, see Carty, “Protestant-Catholic Conflict,” 194.

51. Allen, “Religion and Politics in the Kennedy Era,” 104–5.

52. Ibid., 113–14.

53. Wicklein, John, “Church Council Sets Up Office for Liaison with Peace Corps,” New York Times (January 5, 1962), 11 (emphasis added)Google Scholar.

54. On evangelicals monitoring the Peace Corps, see Allen, “Religion and Politics in the Kennedy Era,” 118. On the institutional power and social positions of Catholics who, by the 1960s, were more likely than white Protestants to go to college and enjoyed slightly higher wages afterward, see Schultz, Kevin M., Tri-Faith America: How Catholics and Jews Held Postwar America to Its Protestant Promise (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 203 Google Scholar.

55. Citing multiple studies, Carty demonstrates that the Kennedy presidency coincided with an unprecedented level of Catholic American participation in philanthropy and civic engagement (“Protestant-Catholic Conflict,” 199), and that service in the Peace Corps was a primary way that Catholics sought to demonstrate their commitments.

56. For some of the unique issues facing Jewish philanthropic and service organizations, see Kelner, Shaul, “Religious Ambivalence in Jewish American Philanthropy,” in Religion in Philanthropic Organizations: Family, Friend, Foe? Ed. Davis, Thomas J. (Bloomington: Indiana University, 2013), 28–49 Google Scholar.

57. The Christian Century quote comes from Schultz, Tri-Faith America, 10. See Schultz, also, on the activities of American Jewish organizations that favored secularism as a means of protecting their specific interests and traditions.

58. Quoted in Schultz, Tri-Faith America, 207.

59. Ibid., 200–201.

60. See Carty, “Protestant-Catholic Conflict,” 205, and Inboden, William, Religion and American Foreign Policy, I945–1960: The Soul of Containment (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

61. From the USAID website under “USAID History” (accessed August 17, 2011, http://www.usaid.gov/who-we-are/usaid-history). CRS and two evangelical organizations, (World Vision and Samaritan’s Purse) have received far more USAID funding than any other religiously affiliated organization over the course of the agency's history, although— until the passage of Charitable Choice legislation in the 1990s that allowed religious organizations to deliver services formerly provided by the state (legislation first passed as part of 1996 welfare reform)—this sometimes required creative solutions to objections raised by Congress and members of the public. In 1962, for example, World Vision administrators established an ostensibly nonconfessional branch of operations called World Vision Relief Organization, which began contracting with USAID almost immediately. CRS and other organizations did likewise and quickly regained some of the federal funding they had enjoyed prior to the Peace Corps controversy. See King, David P., “Heartbroken for God's World: The Story of Bob Pierce, Founder of World Vision and Samaritan’s Purse,” in Davis, Religion in Philanthropic Organizations, 71–92 Google Scholar. See also Ackerman, David M. and Burke, Vee, Charitable Choice: Background and Issues (Huntington, N.Y.: Novinka Books, 2001)Google Scholar.

62. On the effects of Charitable Choice legislation, see Kennedy, Sheila S., “Religious Philanthropies and Government Social Programs,” in Davis, Religion in Philanthropic Organizations, 144–167 Google Scholar.

63. On USAID's contracts with religious organizations since 2002, see Danan, Liora, Mixed Blessings: U.S. Government Engagement with Religion in Conflict-Prone Settings (Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2007), 18–19 Google Scholar.

64. See Corbett, Making Moderate Islam. On Muslim Americans and the limits of liberal multiculturalism, see Hicks, Rosemary R., “Between Lived and the Law: Power, Empire, and Expansion in Studies of American Religions,” Religion 42 (July 2012): 409–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

65. Events noted in this paragraph are discussed in more detail in GhaneaBassiri, Kambiz, A History of Islam in America: From the New World to the New World Order (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 228–326 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and in Corbett, Making Moderate Islam.

66. On the relationship between U.S. foreign interests and domestic depictions of Muslims, see McAlister, Melani, Epic Encounters: Culture, Media, and U.S. Interests in the Middle East since 1945 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005)Google Scholar.

67. Bush clarified his aims in establishing the OFBCI at a 2008 event celebrating the office. See White House Office of the Press Secretary, “President Bush Attends Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives’ National Conference” (June 26, 2008; available at http://georgewbushwhitehouse.archives.gov/news/releases/2008/06/20080626–20.html; accessed November 11, 2014)Google Scholar.

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69. White House Office of the Press Secretary, “Obama Announces White House Office of Faith-based and Neighborhood Partnerships,” (Feb 5, 2009; available at https://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/obama-announces-white-house-office-faith-based-and-neighborhoodpartnerships, accessed November 11, 2014)Google Scholar.

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71. Islamic Society of North America, “ISNA Newsletter” (August 21, 2009).

72. All quotes from MuslimServe, “A Call to Action: Join Muslim- Serve National Campaign for Service and Understanding on 9/11” (posted on the ICNA website and available at http://www.icna.org/wp-content/ uploads/2010/09/MuslimsServeCalltoAction2010.pdf; accessed November 14, 2014).

73. Pew Research Center Religion and Public Life Project, “How Americans Feel About Religious Groups” (July 16, 2014; available at http://www.pewforum.org/2014/07/16/how-americans-feel-aboutreligious-groups/, accessed November 11, 2014).

74. Katz, Jonathan M., “Funeral for Muslims Killed in Chapel Hill Draws Thousands,” New York Times, February 12, 2015 Google Scholar.

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76. Ruthven, Malise, “Inside the Islamic State,” New York Review of Books, July 9, 2015, 74–77 Google Scholar.

77. Shane, Scott, “Homegrown Extremists Tied to Deadlier Toll than Jihadists in U.S. since 9/11,” New York Times, June 24, 2015.Google Scholar

78. McAlister, Epic Encounters, 198–234.

79. In February of 2016, for example, ISNA leaders launched a “Striving for Justice” conference tour. The first stop was Ferguson, Missouri, where Arab American social justice activist Linda Sarsour joined Imam Siraj Wahhaj to discuss, among other things, “Creating a Just Society,” “Mercy as a Tool for Uniting Communities,” and the “Role of Masjid Is Promoting Social Justice.” The event ended with a “Community Service Recognition Award Ceremony” during whichWahhaj—the keynote speaker—addressed the issue of creating “Social Justice for Community at Large.” Event information on ISNA's website (accessed February 26, 2016) at http://www.isna.net/uploads/1/5/7/4/15744382/isnastltentativeprogram.pdf.