1 Shapiro, N., 28 King Street, Newtown to D. Shapiro, Harbin, Manchuria, 10 February 1919, Second Military District censors’ reports, New South Wales, held National Archives of Australia (NAA) (hereafter RE) RE1614.Google Scholar

2 Official Year Book No. 11 (Melbourne: Commonwealth Bureau of Census and Statistics, 1918), 1036; and Raymond Evans, ‘Agitation, Ceaseless Agitation: Russian Radicals in Australia and the Red Flag Riots’, in John McNair and Thomas Poole, eds, Russia and the Fifth Continent: Aspects of Russian-Australian relations (St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1992), 139–40.Google Scholar

3 See warrants and supporting documents in 66/4/2165, series BP4/1.Google Scholar

4 Nuholin, G., Hope Street, South Brisbane to Vorinin, GPO Melbourne, 22 April 1919, Third Military District censors’ reports, Victoria (NAA) (hereafter MF) MF2739.Google Scholar

5 Intelligence report, week ending 26 March 1919, QF3513.Google Scholar

6 For details of the Red Flag march, see Raymond Evans, The Red Flag Riots: A Study of Intolerance (St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1988), 111–16.Google Scholar

7 Gamanoff, A., c/o Zalabisby, Fitzgibbon Street, North Ipswich to T. Cherbakoff, 379 Little Lonsdale Street, Melbourne, 2 March 1919, MF2628.Google Scholar

8 The Returned Sailors and Soldiers Imperial League of Australia (RSSILA) (later the Returned Services League, or RSL) became ‘a potent lobbying group’. See David W. Lovell and Kevin Windle, Our Unswerving Loyalty: A Documentary Survey of Relations Between the Communist Party and Moscow 1920–1940 (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 2008), 58.Google Scholar

9 Every available censorship report produced by the First Military District in Queensland at the National Archives of Australia (NAA) was examined as well as the Second and Third Military District reports from New South Wales and Victoria focused on disloyalty and sedition. Each censors’ report was allocated its own unique reference number by its authors and an elaborate system of cross-referencing was used at the time of production by the recording agencies. This reference system is a powerful and overwhelmingly accurate tool for following the threads on individuals, addresses and events. For this reason, I will refer to individual reports by the unique reference number (and not the week or page number). All censors’ reports referenced in this article are held in 3 series at NAA: A6286, BP4/2 and MP95/1.Google Scholar

10 Dates and figures are drawn from Boris Christa's excellent history of Russians in Australia: Boris Christa, ‘Russians’, in Jupp, James, ed., The Australian People: An Encyclopedia of the Nation, Its People and Their Origins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), 636–42. See also Elena Viktorovna Govor, Australia in the Russian Mirror: Changing perceptions 1770–1919 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1997).Google Scholar

11 Stedman, Solomon, ‘The Russian Revolution in Australia’, Journal of the Royal Australian Historical Society 65(3) (1979), 201.Google Scholar

12 Unsigned letter sent to Kalashnikoff, General Hospital, No 3, Brisbane, 24 March 1919, QF3515.Google Scholar

13 Fried, Eric, ‘The First Consul: Peter Simonoff and the Formation of the Australian Communist Party’, in McNair and Poole, Russia and the Fifth Continent, 111.Google Scholar

14 Price, Charles, ‘Russians in Australia: A Demographic Survey’, in McNair and Poole, Russia and the Fifth Continent, 67–70.Google Scholar

15 Evans, The Red Flag Riots, 28; and Raymond Evans, Loyalty and Disloyalty: Social Conflict on the Queensland Homefront, 1914–1918 (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1987), 114–15.Google Scholar

16 See Document 2 of Lovell and Windle, Our Unswerving Loyalty, 65–70. Document 2, translated by Windle, is A.M. Zuzenko: To the Third Communist International, Report on the Work of the Union of Russian Workers in Australia, 30 April 1920’. In Russian, manuscript and typescript copies; overwritten by hand: ‘to Com. Radek’ (Russian State Archive of Social and Political History RGASPI 495–94–2). Lovell and Windle note that a version of this document was published in Kommunisticheskii International, 11 (14 June 1920), signed ‘R’.Google Scholar

17 See Register of Passengers on Immigrant Ships Arriving in Queensland, 1886–1912, 18487, series 13086, Queensland State Archives (QSA); and Registrations of Aliens 1916–1920, boxes 61–65, 69–70, series BP4/3, NAA.Google Scholar

18 Christa, Boris, ‘Great Bear and Southern Cross: The Russian Presence in Australia’, in McNair and Poole, Russia and the Fifth Continent, 96; and Govor, Australia in the Russian Mirror, 156, 225.Google Scholar

19 Evans, ‘Agitation, Ceaseless Agitation: Russian Radicals in Australia and the Red Flag Riots’, in McNair and Poole, Russia and the Fifth Continent, 128.Google Scholar

20 Christa, ‘Russians’, 639.Google Scholar

21 Christa examines the Ural Cossacks who arrived in Brisbane under their regimental banner and the leadership of their Russian general, V.S. Tolstoff, as did sections of the Orenburg Cossacks, the Izhevsky Regiment and the Zabaikal Cossacks. As with the first wave, the majority of Russians settled in Brisbane, although Sydney's community also experienced a boost in numbers.Google Scholar

22 For information about the Russian appraisal of the Australian situation, see Stuart Macintyre, The Reds: The Communist Party of Australia from Origins to Illegality (Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1998).Google Scholar

23 Russian Paul Yolkin recalled that in his first decade in Australia he worked in almost every state in the Commonwealth, moving from Bundaberg to Mt Chalmers, Albany in Western Australia, Boulder City (1914), Kalgoorlie, Port Pirie (1915), Mildura, Broken Hill (1917–18) and finally to Sydney before settling in Bulli (south of Wollongong) (1923). This work pattern was typical of new migrants to Australia, especially unskilled workers. See Laurie Aarons, ‘Paul Yolkin: A Pioneer of Australian Socialism’, Tribune, 28 July 1982.Google Scholar

24 The state government railway was the largest employer in the state during this time. Ross Fitzgerald and Harold Thornton indicate that 11,267 workers were employed by the Railways Commission in 1915, with an additional 3,000 contracted on construction projects. See Fitzgerald and Thornton, Labor in Queensland: From the 1880s to 1988 (St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1989), 59.Google Scholar

25 Voitenoff, M., PO Rockhampton to A. Lazareff, Krasnojarsk, Siberia, 26 July 1919, QF4797.Google Scholar

26 South Brisbane was, and still is, the centre of Russian community and religious life in Brisbane. For more information, see Eric Fried, ‘Russians in Queensland 1886–1925’, BA Hons thesis, University of Queensland, 1980, 41.Google Scholar

27 Butterworth, Lee, ‘Ignorance or Murder: Baby Farming and Infant Mortality’, Journal of the Royal Historical Society of Queensland, 20(1) (2007): 18–30.Google Scholar

28 Stedman explores his memories of the group in ‘The Russian Revolution in Australia’: 202–4.Google Scholar

29 The rooms of the Russian Workers Association (RWA) in South Brisbane also, on occasion, housed the progeny of the International Workers of the World (IWW), the One Big Union (OBU).Google Scholar

30 For example, Edith Brodney (Esther Siebel, American wife of newspaper journalist Leon Hebert Spencer Brodzky who was better known as Spencer Brodney) taught English to classes of up to 30 Russians. For Brodney's thoughts on these classes, see Ed (Mrs Brodney), Manhattan, Brunswick Street, Brisbane to Mrs K. Siebel, 2055 Davidson Avenue, New York, 29 December 1918, QF2725; and Leon (Brodney), Brisbane to Mrs K. Siebel, New York, 20 December 1918, QF2726.Google Scholar

31 Fried, ‘The First Consul’, 111.Google Scholar

32 Stedman, ‘The Russian Revolution in Australia’: 202.Google Scholar

33 Christa, ‘Great Bear and Southern Cross’: 94.Google Scholar

34 Govor, Australia in the Russian Mirror, 219.Google Scholar

35 Fried, ‘The First Consul’: 111.Google Scholar

36 Gover, Australia in the Russian Mirror, 220.Google Scholar

37 Turner, Ian, Industrial Labour and Politics: The Dynamics of the Labour Movement in Eastern Australia 1900–1921 (Sydney: Hale, 1979), 203.Google Scholar

38 Isvestia 109 (27 January 1916). Summary in Box 22 Russian language newspapers, Poole-Fried Collection, UQFL336, Fryer Library, University of Queensland.Google Scholar

39 See Russian Society 1911, 86529, series 14812, QSA.Google Scholar

40 Ekho Avstralii [Echo of Australia], 1911–1914; Isvestia Soyuza Russkikh Emigrantov [Bulletin of the Union of Russian Emigrants], 1914–1916; Rabochaya Zhizn [Workers’ Life], 1916–1918; Znanie i Edinenie 1918, in English as Knowledge and Unity 1918–1921. Other related newspapers include Deviatyi Val [The Ninth Wave] and Nabat [The Tocsin].Google Scholar

41 Pickunoff, Tom, ‘Russian Workers in Australia’, Communist Review (February 1938), 59. Copies of Pikunoff's writing are held in the Poole-Fried Collection, UQFL336, Fryer Library, University of Queensland.Google Scholar

42 The reputation of the RWA as the contact in Brisbane was quite strong. Even as late as April 1919, the RWA received letters from Russia asking for help. One such letter was from a father who asked for news about his sons, Moses and Samuel Kotton – two Russians who had immigrated to Australia before the war. Moses had been killed in action on the front when he served with the Australian Imperial Force. Samuel still lived in Brisbane. Mr Kotton, Harbin to Russian Workers Association, Stanley Street, South Brisbane, intercepted week ending 30 April 1919, QF3835.Google Scholar

43 Pickunoff, ‘Russian Workers in Australia’: 60.Google Scholar

44 Those who thought outside these constraints, such as William Lane, became Australia's first political emigrants in an attempt to fulfil their political goals.Google Scholar

45 See Fried, ‘Russians in Queensland' and the Poole-Fried Collection, UQFL336, Fryer Library, University of Queensland.Google Scholar

46 Kalinin, L.G., President to Russian Consulate, Brisbane, 8 February 1911, 86529, series 14812, QSA.Google Scholar

47 For more information, see Sally M. Miller, The Radical Immigrant (New York: Twayne, 1974), 75.Google Scholar

48 Notes on early RWA leaders are sourced from a Criminal Investigation Branch report by P. O'Hara, 12 June 1911, 86529, series 14812, QSA.Google Scholar

49 Isvestia 21 (8 May 1914). Summary in box 22 Russian-language newspapers, Poole-Fried Collection, UQFL336, Fryer Library, University of Queensland.Google Scholar

50 Utkin returned to Russia shortly after news of the February Revolution and held high-ranking positions in Siberia, such as the President of the Central Executive of the Vladivostock Red Guards and editor of the journal Workers and Soldiers. However, by the end of 1918 a letter was intercepted, which revealed that Utkin was now serving time in jail. See Peter Utkin, Vladivostock to Editor, Worker, Brisbane, 7 April 1918, QF1207; Peter Utkin, Vladivostock to Dunlop, Technical College, Brisbane, 7 May 1918, QF1206; Norman E. Freeberg, Brisbane to P. Simonoff, 350 St Kilda Rd, Melbourne, 11 June 1918, MF1185; and A. Popoff (wife of a Popoff brother), Harbin to Mrs Mendrin, c/o Popoff Brothers, Brisbane, 26 December 1918 (intercepted week ending 22 March 1919), QF3453.Google Scholar

51 Pikunoff and Utkin, ‘Russian Association’, Worker. These pieces were published sporadically from 1913 to 1915.Google Scholar

52 Key sources on Artem's life in Australia include Kevin Windle, ‘Brisbane Prison: Artem Sergeev Describes Boggo Road’, New Zealand Slavonic Journal, 38 (2004): 159–79; and Tom Poole and Eric Fried, ‘Artem: A Bolshevik in Brisbane’, Australian Journal of Politics and History, 31(1) (1985): 243–54.Google Scholar

53 Pickunoff, ‘Russian Workers in Australia’: 59.Google Scholar

54 Pickunoff, ‘Russian Workers in Australia’: 61.Google Scholar

55 See Russians 1913–1954, 318868, series 16865, QSA.Google Scholar

56 Nester, Marusia, 11 Warwick St, Stanmore NSW to Bill Sutton, 30 October 1966. Copy held in box 7, Artem, Poole-Fried Collection, UQFL336, Fryer Library, University of Queensland. See also box 10, Immigration II. Two letters from Artem to his Australian wife Minnie and daughter Lily were intercepted. See Tom, Russia to Minnie Sergaeff, Coopers Plains, 1 January 1918, QS12; and Tom Sergaeff, Russia to Lily Sergaeff, Coopers Plains, intercepted week ending 2 March 1918, QF2851. Queensland police reports also note Artem's relationship with an Australian woman in 1913, see Russians 1913–1954, 318868, series 16865, QSA.Google Scholar

57 Isvestia 82 (15 July 1915) and 85 (5 August 1915). Summaries in box 22, Russian language newspapers, Poole-Fried Collection, UQFL336, Fryer Library, University of Queensland.Google Scholar

58 For a selection of Artem's writings in the Bolshevik journal Prosveshchenie [Enlightenment], see ‘Iz Avstralii [From Australia]’, 10 (October 1913), 52–61; ‘Stariki: Pazskaz’, 10 (October 1913), 51–61; ‘Klassovaya borba v Novoi Zelandin’ (Artem on NZ)’, 6 (June 1914), 47–62; ‘Australia, the Lucky Country’, 6 (June 1914), 47–62; and ‘Iz Svobodnoi Avstralii [From Free Australia]’, 3 (March 1918), 63–79.Google Scholar

59 Simonoff's history prior to his arrival in Australia is explored by Eric Fried, particularly in ‘Simonov, Peter (1883?–1938?)’, Australian Dictionary of Biography, Vol. 11 (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1988), 607–8; and Kevin Windle, in ‘A Troika of Agitators: Three Comintern Liaison Agents in Australia, 1920–22’, Australian Journal of Politics and History 52(1) (2006): 32. There is uncertainty surrounding Simonoff's origins. In 1915, Petro Simonoff declared in Adelaide that he was born in 1879 in Selo Asenovo, Bulgaria. Three years later in Brisbane, Simonoff stated he was born in 1883 in Saratov, Russia. His arrival in Australia is equally hard to pin down. It is most likely that he arrived in Australia in 1911. However, Simonoff also stated that he entered the Commonwealth in 1912 by ship into Adelaide.Google Scholar

60 See Fried, ‘The First Consul’: 110–25.Google Scholar

61 Bykoff was also known as Resanoff and Arov. For example, he published translated material in Ninth Wave (see Arov (Resanoff), Brisbane to S. Bolotnikoff, PO Ingham, 11 March 1919, QF3408).Google Scholar

62 For example, Simonoff received a resolution from Russians in Brisbane that condemned his political activities in his first twelve months as consul. This resolution, signed by J. Loginoff and F. Kridoonoff on behalf of the Russian Group of Workers on 16 January 1919, was made public by its authors, who published it in the Daily Standard on 17 January. For Simonoff's response, see P. Simonoff, Sydney to Robertson, Subeditor, Daily Standard, Brisbane, 23 January 1919, QF2951. For more information, also see H.C. Ullman, SDL (Social Democratic League), 43 Wentworth Avenue, Sydney to Norman Freeberg, Worker, Brisbane, 27 January 1919, QF2980.Google Scholar

63 Vogan, Arthur, Interview with P. Simonoff, Communist Propagandist in Sydney, 30 August 1920, SC294, series A3932. See also Consuls Soviet Russia General, CONS 240, series A981, NAA.Google Scholar

64 Fried, ‘Simonov’: 608. Kevin Windle cites Civa Rosenberg (Zuzenko's wife), who states that Simonoff committed suicide. See Windle, Troika of Agitators': 32. Rosenberg was interviewed by Eric Fried in Moscow in 1990. A video of this interview is held by Raymond Evans, who kindly allowed me to watch this interview at the University of Queensland in 2000.Google Scholar

65 See Simonoff, P., Sydney to Lagutin, PO Box 10, South Brisbane, 31 March 1918, QF793; and P. Simonoff, Melbourne to Lagutin, Box 10, South Brisbane, 25 April 1918, QF875.Google Scholar

66 See intelligence report, week ending 19 February 1919, QF3161.Google Scholar

67 See P. Simonoff, St Kilda to Mrs Rainschmidt, Balaclava Street, Woolloongabba, 11 May 1918, QF1133; G. Boldyreff, Selwyn to N. Lagutin, Russian Association, Brisbane, intercepted week ending 19 June 1918, QF1221; A. Lyubinoff, Pelican Street, North Ipswich to S. Shuyupoff, 139 Stanley Street, South Brisbane, intercepted week ending 26 June 1918, QF1305; S. Petroff, PO D'Aguilar, Kilcoy Line to Russian Group of Workers, PO Box 15 South Brisbane, 3 July 1918, QF1391; and P. Simonoff, Melbourne to N. Lagutin, PO Box 10, South Brisbane, 18 July 1918, QF1469.Google Scholar

68 See A. Zuzenko, PO Ingham to Russian Association, Brisbane, 6 June 1918, QF1229.Google Scholar

69 See Lagutin entries, Summary of Communism, 111, series A6122, NAA.Google Scholar

70 See Secret Seven entries, Summary of Communism, 111, series A6122, NAA.Google Scholar

71 See Regarding N. Lagutin – Secretary of Russian Club South Brisbane, 66/4/3557, series BP4/1; papers seized from Australian Communist Party Brisbane Branch, 5, series BP230/6; Nicholas Lagutin, 13, series A6335; and Lagutin and Secret Seven entries, Summary of Communism, 111, series A6122, NAA. A letter from J.B. Miles, 13 Kurraba Road, North Sydney NSW 2060 to Bill Sutton, 5 September 1967 states that Lagutin died in Brisbane and was buried in the Toowong Cemetery. A copy of this letter is held in box 7, Poole-Fried Collection, UQFL336, Fryer Library, University of Queensland.Google Scholar

72 See Zuzenko's alien registration forms, series BP4/3, NAA.Google Scholar

73 Petruchanya, 3 Tennyson Street, Kensington to Russian Association, Stanley Street, South Brisbane, 22 March 1919, QF3508.Google Scholar

74 Circular ‘Only by Struggle, Freedom You'll Gain’, Brisbane Soviet to M. Polteff, PO Townsville, 19 March 1919, QF3509.Google Scholar

75 Civa was the nickname by which Tsetsiliia Mikhailovna – Boris Rosenberg's daughter and Zuzenko's wife – was known in Australia. Her family came to Australia in February 1913 and she worked as a domestic in Brisbane. Her father, Boris, was deported on the SS Frankfurt on 19 September 1919. See the Rosenberg family's alien registration forms, series BP4/3, NAA.Google Scholar

76 For instance, see Arov (Resanoff), Brisbane to S. Bolotnikoff, PO Ingham, 11 March 1919, QF3408.Google Scholar

77 See Zuzenko and Secret Seven entries, Summary of Communism, 111, series A6122, NAA.Google Scholar

78 See D.A. Mackiehan, Inspector, Commonwealth Investigation Branch, Brisbane to Collector of Customs, Brisbane, 3 December 1924, 713/1929, series J2773. See also Alexander Michael Zuzenko, N59/21/962, series SP43/2; and Zuzenko, Alexander Michael (district register W95/2/231), series A401, NAA.Google Scholar

79 See Kevin Windle, ‘The Achilles Heel of British Imperialism: A Comintern Agent Reports on His Mission to Australia 1920–1922’, Australian Slavonic and East European Studies 18(1–2) (2004): 143–76; and Kevin Windle, ‘Round the World for the Revolution: A Bolshevik Agent's Mission to Australia, 1920–22’, Revolutionary Russia, 17(2) (2004): 90–118.Google Scholar

80 See Fried, ‘The First Consul’: 111–12; and Civa Rosenburg, Interview with Eric Fried, Moscow 1990.Google Scholar

81 Copy of USSR military high court decision of 4 October 1956, held in Poole-Fried Collection, UQFL336, Fryer Library, University of Queensland.Google Scholar

82 Bykoff was also known as Resanoff and Arov. For example, he published translated material in Ninth Wave (see Arov (Resanoff), Brisbane to S. Bolotnikoff, PO Ingham, 11 March 1919, QF3408).Google Scholar

83 For more on Nabat see Kevin Windle, 'Nabat and Its Editors: The 1919 Swansong of the Brisbane Russian Socialist Press, or Hac Australian Slavonic and East European Studies 21(1–2) (2007): 143–63.Google Scholar

84 Censors’ notes, week ending 16 July 1919, QF4615.Google Scholar

85 See Bykoff's alien registration forms, series BP4/3, NAA.Google Scholar

86 See Resanoff-Bykoff, A., ‘The Philosophy of the Political Struggle’, Knowledge and Unity (20 September 1919): 1–2; and Herman Bykoff, ‘The Psychology of Red Extremism’, Knowledge and Unity (15 November 1919): 3.Google Scholar

87 See Kevin Windle, ‘Unmajestic Bombast: The Brisbane Union of Russian Workers as Shown in a 1919 Play by Herman Bykov’, Australian Slavonic and East European Studies 19 (1–2) (2005): 29–51.Google Scholar

88 His papers from the Provisional Russian Government are held on Bykoff, Herman – arrived Melbourne 1917, BYKOFF H, BP313/1; and The Red Flag – incidents regarding the flying of same, 66/4/2165, series BP4/1, NAA.Google Scholar

89 For commentary, see Unknown, Brisbane to Kalashnikoff, General Hospital No. 3, Brisbane, 24 March 1919, QF3515.Google Scholar

90 Censors’ notes, week ending 28 July 1919, QF4670.Google Scholar

91 Russian Library, Box 10, Stanley Street, South Brisbane to Socialist Hall, Sulphide Street, Russian Section, Broken Hill, 17 August 1919, QF4794. For Russian and left-wing accounts of Bykoff's rearrest, see Bykoff's alien registration forms, series BP4/3, NAA as well as Polteff, PO Stanley Street, South Brisbane to Losan, Arcadia Saloon, Flinders Street, Townsville, 13 August 1919, QF4783; A. Kroopka, 60 Francis Street, Kangaroo Point to Shoupoff, c/o Ezersky, Fairymead Plantation, via Bundaberg, 17 August 1919, QF4796; Norman (Jeffrey), GPO Brisbane to B. Huggett, c/o P. Hemingsen, Scarborough, NSW, 17 August 1919, QF4800; and M.B.K., Brisbane to Mrs M. Timms, PO Box 115, Haymarket Street, Sydney, 4 April 1919, QF4854.Google Scholar

92 Censors’ notes, week ending 16 July 1919, QF4615.Google Scholar

93 Censors’ notes, week ending 16 July 1919, QF4615.Google Scholar

94 See censors’ notes, week ending 11 June 1919, QF4291.Google Scholar

95 Intelligence officers’ reports indicate that English-speaking audiences would energetically clap the Russian-language speeches of RWA representatives at labour events. Perhaps the positive reception of these speeches demonstrated respect for the expertise of Russians on all matters revolutionary.Google Scholar

96 Zweck, Kirsten, ‘The Fear of Bolshevism in Australia: The Sydney Conservative Press and the Australian Labor Party (ALP), 1917–1924’, BA Hons thesis, University of Queensland, 1993, 42.Google Scholar

97 Zweck, ‘The Fear of Bolshevism in Australia’, 44–45, 54–58, 62.Google Scholar

98 See Knightly, P., The First Casualty – From the Crimea to the Falklands: The War Correspondent as Hero, Propagandist and Myth Maker (London: Pan, 1989).Google Scholar

99 Gordon, Amanda, ‘The Conservative Press and the Russian Revolution’, in Hazlehurst, Cameron, ed., Australian Conservatism: Essays in Twentieth Century Political History (Canberra: ANU Press, 1979), 29. See also her earlier work: Amanda Drummond, ‘The Australian Press and the Russian Revolution’, MA thesis, University of Melbourne, 1970.Google Scholar

100 Turner, Industrial Labour and Politics, 203; Evans, Loyalty and Disloyalty, 114.Google Scholar

101 Fitzgerald and Thornton, Labor in Queensland, 30.Google Scholar

102 Christa, ‘Great Bear and Southern Cross’: 96.Google Scholar

103 Métin, Albert (1871–1918), Le Socialisme sans Doctrines: La question agraire et la question ouvrière en Australie et Nouvelle-Zélande (Paris: Felix Alcan, 1901). A translation by Russel Ward was published as Socialism Without Doctrine (Sydney: Alternative Publishing Co-operative, 1977).Google Scholar

104 Moore, Andrew, The Right Road? A History of Right-Wing Politics in Australia (Melbourne: Oxford University Press, 1995), 22. See also Verity Burgmann's assessment of Métin's work on Australia in In Our Time: Socialism and the Rise of Labor, 1885–1905 (Sydney: George Allen & Unwin, 1985), 10.Google Scholar

105 Miller, The Radical Immigrant, 51.Google Scholar

106 For details see Burgmann, Revolutionary Industrial Unionism: The Industrial Workers of the World in Australia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 165, 177.Google Scholar

107 Fitzgerald, Ross, From 1915 to the Early 1980s: A History of Queensland (St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1984), 16–17.Google Scholar

108 See his revealing autobiography and reflections on labour in Queensland: Ernest Lane (Jack Cade), Dawn to Dusk: Reminiscences of a Rebel (Brisbane: William Brooks, 1939).Google Scholar

109 Burgmann, In Our Time, 177.Google Scholar

110 Miller, The Radical Immigrant, 53.Google Scholar

111 Yearley, Clifton K., Britons in American Labor: A History of the Influence of the United Kingdom Immigrants in American Labor 1890–1914 (Baltimore, MD: John Hopkins Press, 1957), 314.Google Scholar

112 For example, the OBU assisted the RWA to publish and distribute several hundred copies of the Russian Constitution in December 1918. See the OBU chair's recollection of this ‘stunt’ in Burke, J., One Big Union Propaganda League (OBUPL), Box 10, PO South Brisbane to W.A. Shepherd, Hotel Delta, Ayr via Townsville, 17 January 1919, QF2986.Google Scholar

113 These relationships resulted in joint activities – for example, the demonstration on 26 January 1919. For accounts see intelligence reports, week ending 29 January 1919, QF2959 and QF2960; and Turner, Gibb Street, Kelvin Grove to Mrs Scott Griffiths, Dornoch Terrace, South Brisbane, 12 February 1919, QF3106.Google Scholar

114 Burgmann, Revolutionary Industrial Unionism, 88–89, 170.Google Scholar

115 Burgmann, Revolutionary Industrial Unionism, 89.Google Scholar

116 See, for instance, the rousing circular from Soviet, Brisbane to Peter Kriulin, Victoria Street, Cairns, 6 August 1919, QF4747.Google Scholar

117 For more information, see the circular ‘No Sympathy for You’, signed by K. Klushin, V. Pikunoff and S. Kotten that set out the Russian perspective on the case, intercepted week ending 5 March 1919, QF3268; and Betsy Matthias, Editress [sic], Solidarity, 117 Bathurst Street, Sydney to K. Klushin, V. Pickunoff or S. Kotten, c/o Russian Association, South Brisbane, 27 February 1919, QF3339.Google Scholar

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119 Not only did the Industrial Council send Mrs Timms money to help her live near her husband in Sydney, but it assisted with her legal case to prove her marriage. See Timms, Sydney to Industrial Council, Trades Hall, Brisbane, 14 July 1919, QF4554.Google Scholar

120 C. Ostapenko wrote from HM Prison in Brisbane to T. Moroney to thank the Queensland Railway Union on 28 June 1919, QF4570.Google Scholar

121 Censors’ notes, week ending 16 July 1919, QF4615.Google Scholar

122 Censors’ notes, week ending 28 July 1919, QF4699.Google Scholar

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128 Addressed to N. Freeberg, Worker, Brisbane, 21 March 1919, QF3478.Google Scholar

129 Witherby, T.C., c/o Prof Atkinson, University of Melbourne to V.G. Childe, Wickham Terrace, Brisbane, 21 February 1919, QF3249.Google Scholar

130 See A.S. Reardon, Sydney to A.S. Brodney, Brunswick Street, New Farm, 25 April 1919, QF3949.Google Scholar

131 Illin, N., Peeramon to A. Resanoff, PO Box 10, Stanley Street, South Brisbane, 24 April 1919, QF3859.Google Scholar

132 Macintyre, The Reds, 45.Google Scholar

133 Lovell and Windle, Our Unswerving Loyalty, 62.Google Scholar

134 Gorsky, A., Brisbane to H. Bykoff, HM Prison, Brisbane, 19 June 1919, QF4423.Google Scholar

135 For a detailed study of the censorship, surveillance and suppression of Brisbane's radical Russian community, see Louise Curtis, ‘Red Criminals: Censorship, Surveillance and Suppression of the Radical Russian Community in Brisbane During World War I’, PhD thesis, Griffith University, 2010.Google Scholar