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Was Chaucer's Knight's Tale Extensively Revised After the Middle of 1390?

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  02 December 2020

Robert A. Pratt
Affiliation:
Queens College
Johnstone Park
Affiliation:
University of Alabama

Abstract

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Type
Comment and Criticism
Copyright
Copyright © Modern Language Association of America, 1948

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References

1 See PMLA, lx (1945), 307-24. In the Legend (F 420-1; G 408-9), Chaucer lists among his writings “al the love of Palamon and Arcite Of Thebes.” For the date of the Legend, see F. N. Robinson (ed.), The Complete Works of Geofrey Chaucer (Boston, etc. [1933]), pp. 952-3. For the date of the Knight's Tale in its earliest form, see Robinson, p. 771. Cogent reasons for placing it between Troilus and the Legend are offered by J. S. P. Tatlock, The Development and Chronology of Chaucer's Works (“Chaucer Society Publications, Second Series”, No. 37 [London, 1907]), pp. 70-83. The generally accepted theory is that only lines 875-92 (and possibly line 3108) were written for the adaptation of the “Palamon and Arcite” for its place in the Canterbury Tales; see Parr, p. 307, where are cited Tatlock, p. 66, and W. J. Wager, “The So-called Prologue to the Knight's Tale”, MLN, l (1935), 296-307. See also Tatlock, pp. 67-70.

2 See Parr, p. 324.

3 See Parr, pp. 307-14. All citations are from Robinson.

4 See Parr, p. 309.

5 See Parr, pp. 309-10.

6 See Parr, p. 311.

7 See Parr, pp. 314-7. On p. 315 and n. 36 (and on p. 324) it is proposed that lines 884 and 2568 were suggested by events connected with Queen Isabella's entry into Paris in 1389. With “tempest” (884) compare “infinito d'uomini tomolto” (Teseida, ii, 24: 5); and with “Hanged with clooth of gold” (2568) compare “fu la lor terra tutta quanta ornata di drappi ad oro” (Teseida, ii, 19: 6-7) both closer to Chaucer than the passages cited by Parr from Froissart's description of Isabella's entry into Paris.

8 See Parr, p. 317. Parr's third argument stems in part from S. Robertson, “Elements of Realism in the Knight's Tale”, JEGP, xiv (1915), 226-55. Parr cites chiefly John Froissart's Chronicles, trans. Thomas Johnes (New York, 1849), Bk. iv, ch. xxiii; and Raphael Holinshed's Chronicles (1802 ed.), ii, 811-2.

9 See Parr, p. 318; Tatlock, p. 226; Tatlock utilizes his “Table” on pp. 56-66. It is worth noting that no reference is made either, to the one edition of the Canterbury Tales which offers evidence and discussion of the possibility of Chaucer's revision of the Knight's Tale: J. M. Manly and E. Rickert, The Text of The Canterbury Tales (8 vols.; Chicago [1940]); see especially ii, 97, 133-5, 495-515; in, 426-38; the MSS appear to offer no support for Mr. Parr's theory regarding the nature of Chaucer's revision: see II, 514-515.

10 The text used is A. Roncaglia, (ed.), Giovanni Boccaccio: Teseida delle nozze d'Emilia (“Scrittori d'ltalia [Bari, 1941]), regarding which see the first footnote of my study of ”Chaucer's Use of the Teseida,“ PMLA, lxii (1947), 598. That article has the following errata beyond the writer's control: p. 599, n. 4,1. 4: after vin) insert a comma; p. 601, n. 9, 1.4; for the read che; p. 608,1.8: after with insert additional; p. 610, n. 46: for 1-14 read 1-4; p. 611, n. 50: read Proserpinae; p. 617, n. 69,1.5:for-54read-Si).

11 See Parr, p. 318.

12 See Parr, pp. 318-9, n. 46.

13 See Teseida, vii, 108: 7-8; 109: 1, 3; 114: 7-8; 118: 6. Chaucer (2581-2586) has Arcite use the westward gate, and Palamon the eastward gate.

14 See Tatlock, pp. 66-70; Parr refers us to p. 66 in his first footnote. As evidence against realistic revision of the description of the lists, I suggest the absurdity of their size, pointed out by S. J. Herben, MLN, liii (1938), 595.

15 See Parr, p. 319; Knight's Tale, 2129-2186; W. C. Curry, Chaucer and the Mediaeval Sciences (New York, 1926), pp. 130-7; Teseida, vi, 14-7, 21-4, 30, 36, 41.

16 See Parr, p. 319, quoting from Froissart.

17 See Parr, p. 319; in quoting, I correct (from Robinson) the misprint, “About prime…” (2189), and do likewise in later passages without comment.

18 See Parr, p. 319 and n. 50. Teseida, vi, 65:1-4, reads as follows: Quahmquefu de' possenti signori, re, duca, prenze ? altro d'onor degno, ? quai si fosser piccoli ? maggiori, che di Teseo venisse allor nel regno.…

19 See Knight's Tale, 2209 ff., just 20 lines after the passage cited above.

20 See Curry, pp. 124-6; Parr, p. 308, n. 5, where are cited pp. 128-30 of Curry's book.

21 See Parr, p. 320, and n. 52. With line 2198 compare Teseida, vi, 70 (also 7: 8; 65: 3; and xii, 80). With 2202-2203 compare Teseida, vi, 8; 70. I have found, however, no verbal counterpart to dauncen.

22 Compare ministrieri (Teseida, vii, 99: 3; xii, 80: 5); servigi lieti e grali (vi, 69: 5); alti ctmviti (vi, 70:1); cm donnefesleggiare (vi, 70: 6); fesle liete e grazíose (xii, 80: 8); le ricche camere… del suo falagio (vii, 96: 2-3). The expression first ne last seems related to piccoli ? maggiori (vi, 65: 3), or i grandi e i minori (vi, 70: 7). Chaucer's attentiveness to xii, 80, is shown by his use of it in 2735-2736.

23 See, for example, Edward A. Bond, “Chaucer as Page in the Household of the Countess of Ulster”, Life-Records of Chaucer, in (“Chaucer Society Publications, Second Series”, No. 21 [London, 1886]), pp. 95-113.

24 See Parr, p. 320.

25 See also, vi, 8: 8 9: 2,… conti e baroni e donne e camlieri. ? vestien robe per molto or ? care, con gran destrier, cavalli e pallafreni.…

26 With arnesi compare harneys (2492), and with maglia, cole-armures (2500). Various weapons and pieces of armor are mentioned during the tournament in Book viii.

27 See, for example, Robinson, pp. xvi-xxiii.

28 See Parr, pp. 320-1.

29 See Parr, p. 321, n. 54.

30 Boccaccio's personages twice visit the theater (vu, 1 fi., and 99 ff.), and Teseo has a triumphal procession through Athens (n, 18 ff.); Chaucer here combines elements from the three occasions.

31 In ii, 18: 5; vi 66: 1; ix, 16: 4, and elsewhere, she is called Ipoltia reina or la reina Ipolita.

32 See Parr, pp. 321-2, and n. 56. Line 2603 (“the sharpe spore”) is paralleled by Teseida, viii, 7: 2; 8: 7; and 53: 6.

33 See Parr, p. 322, n. 56; p. 323.

34 See Parr, p. 323, and n. 58.

35 See also x, 1: 8; xii, 44: 2-3.

36 See Parr, p. 323.

1 That is to say, Skeat's suggestion that line 2459 (“The murmur and the cherles rebellyng”) refers to the Peasants' Revolt in 1381 and Lowes' suggestion that line 884 (“And of the tempest at hir hoom-comynge”) refers to Isabella's passage across the Channel in 1381 constitute what Tatlock calls (and what others following him apparently continue to call) “two probable contemporary references in the KnT.” And for Pratt to say twice that I have “completely ignored” Tatlock's list of arguments against extensive revision in the KnT is itself perhaps a little “unwarranted and misleading.” I have not “ignored” them. I have been perfectly aware of them, and have referred to Tatlock's study of the problem at the very outset of my paper.

2 It is somewhat astonishing to observe that in attempting to cancel my theory concerning line 884 (“And of the tempest at hir hoom-comynge”) Pratt points to the phrase “infini to d'uomini tomolto” in the Teseida. This he does in a footnote to his comment deprecating my attempt to question Lowes' theory concerning this line. Now if this line in the KnT does come from the Teseida, Pratt has to discard also Lowes' contention that the line dates the poem shortly after 1381; and Lowes' theory is one of those “cogent reasons” expressed by Tatlock!

3 Development and Chronology, pp. 56-7.

4 With two exceptions: footnote 56 should read “Of the lines I cite between 2600 and 2662…” (for Tatlock does list lines 2626-27 and 2652, which I have not cited); and I overlooked in his Table line 2571.

5 For example, not a single line of the passage on the construction of the lists (which I cite on p. 318), nor of those concerning the arrival of the knights on Sunday (p. 319), nor of those on the preparations before the tournament (p. 320) is listed in Pratt's Table. Concerning the passage on p. 321 (lines 2565-2586), Pratt says in his present paper that “every line is paralleled by phrases from Boccaccio's poem”; yet in his Table he lists no parallels for lines 2565-70, 2576-80, 2585-86 (i.e., no parallels for fourteen of the twenty-two lines I cite). For the passage on p. 322 (lines 2600-2662) his Table records no parallels at all; yet his present paper now expounds parallels to the tune of two pages. For the passage on p. 323 (lines 2715-18,2735-39), his present paper says Chaucer “here comes as close to Boccaccio as he ever does”, etc.; yet his Table records only the same four lines listed by Tatlock. All this, I know, has little bearing on the case at hand; but it perhaps should be observed for those who might be confused as to what extent such Tables may be used.

6 The italics of the passage from Strutt which Pratt attributes to me are not mine, but Skeat's. Incidentally, I cannot see that Mr. Herben's paper on Chaucer's theatre (see Pratt, note 14) is particularly good “evidence against realistic revision.” Chaucer, as Herben says, has indeed made a mistake in the size of the theatre. But thoughtful consideration of Herben's point suggests quite the contrary to Pratt's contention that Chaucer was revising Boccaccio for realism: else why change the height of the stadium from 500 tiers to a more realistic 60?