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Olivia's Household
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 02 December 2020
Extract
If Shakespeare's plays, as is generally admitted, are incomparably greater than their sources, their greatness must inhere mainly in his changes and additions. Most scholars have attributed this precious residue to the dramatist's imagination, which, they seem to suppose, created it from nothing. Certainly his imagination informed the whole: but the additions that he built into his originals, supplying motivation and verisimilitude, he took from the life around him; for this was the material that both he and his audience knew best: thus he elizabethanized the stories that he used, and made them reflect the popular attitude toward the characters and the themes that he portrayed; for, in an age of little learning, he could not hope, even had he wished, to educate his audience to a different point of view. Dogberry, as a constable, must be stupid; Henry V must appear as a national hero; and interest on money in The Merchant of Venice must be hateful—all to accord with contemporary fact or opinion. But modern readers see such characters and themes quite out of focus, and interpret them in modern ways.
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References
1 See the present writer, “Othello and Elizabethan Army Life,” R.A-A., ix, 319; “The Realism of Shakespeare's Roman Plays,” St. Phil., xxx, 225, and “Desdemona, a Compound of Two Cultures,” Rev. Litt. Comp. (April, 1933), xiii 337.
2 See Louise D. Frasure, “Shakespeare's Constables,” Anglia (1934).
3 See J. W. Cunliffe, “Henry V as Prince and King,” Shakespeare Studies (New York: Columbia University, 1916).
4 See the present writer, “Usury in The Merchant of Venice” M.P., about to appear.
5 Twelfth Night, Furness var. ed., iii, iv. 7 and 65 et seq.
6 Critics generally agree, e.g., E. P. Kuhl, PMLA, xlvii, 904.
7 Chaucer's Host similarly accuses the Parson of being a Lollard (C. T., Shipman's Prol., 11). Maria's fling was quite natural, for Puritans were supposed to be unfriendly toward servingmen. See W. Basse, Sword and Buckler, (London, 1602) stanza 45.
8 Twelfth Night, ii, iii. 136 et seq.
9 Ibid., ii. v. 155. Cf. 188.
10 Ibid., ii. v. 49 et seq.
11 Ibid., v. i. 358.
12 Ibid., ii. v. 45 et seq. See Tolman, Falstaff (New York, 1925) p. 146 et seq.
13 Basse, op. cit., stanza 14.
14 [G. Markham], Health to the Gentlemanly Profession of Servingmen (1598), in Inedited Tracts, ed. Hazlitt, Roxburghe Lib. (London, 1868), p. 116.
15 Ibid., 104 et seq.; Cyuile and Vncyuile Life (1579), in Inedited Tracts, ed. cit., p. 39; and W. Harrison, Description of England (London, 1587), ii, v.
16 T. Becon, Early Works, Parker Soc. (Cambridge, 1843), p. 361.
17 Cyuile Life, ed. cit., p. 40.
18 Ibid., pp. 64 and 92.
19 See the present writer, “Chaucer's ‘Wardrobe,‘” Eng. St., lx, 238 et seq.
20 See D. Lupton, London and the Countrey Carbonadoed (London, 1632), p. 100 et seq.
21 Twelfth Night, i. v. 38 and 70.
22 Basse, op. cit., stanza 56 et seq., stresses the hard work of valet, etc.
23 Cyuile Life, ed. cit., p. 80; F. Moryson, Itinerary (1617), Pt. iii, pp. 113–114.
24 Basse, op. cit., stanzas 19, 27, 31, 44 et seq. The standing of servingmen and pages was evidently growing worse. Armed retainers were hardly permitted in London because it was within the “verge.” The Huntington Library, which owns the unique copy of W. Darell's Short Discourse of the Life of Servingmen (1578), would not permit scholars access to this pamphlet while the present paper was preparing. It has recently appeared under the editorship of Dr. L. B. Wright (S. P., xxxi, 115 et seq.); and it supports the generalizations gathered from other sources in the present study.
25 Markham, op. cit., p. 123; and A Diamonde Most Precious (London, 1577), sig. Bii. Cf. the livery of Gobbo which was to be “More garded than his fellowes” (Merchant of Venice, ii. ii. 149).
26 Cyuile Life, ed. cit., p. 39.
27 Advice to a Son, att. Burghley, reprinted in The Parental Monitor (London, 1792), p. 146.
28 Markham, op. cit., p. 157; J. Bodenham, Wits Common-wealth (London, 1640), p. 187 et seq.
29 Markham, op. cit., p. 152.
30 See the present writer, “The Theme of Timon of Athens,” M.L.R., xxix, 20.
31 Cyuile Life, ed. cit., p. 34 et seq.
32 Ibid., p. 62.
33 N.B. the apology for absenteeism, ibid., pp. 62–63.
34 Markham, op. cit., p. 151.
35 H. Peacham, Coach and Sedan, 1636 (London, 1925).
36 See the present writer on Timon previously cited.
37 See H. W. Farnam, Shakespeare's Economics (New Haven, 1931), p. 123.
38 Twelfth Night, ii. iii. 114.
39 Markham, op. cit., pp. 127, 129 et seq.
40 Peacham, op. cit., sig. C3; and Overbury, Characters, “A Serving-Man.”
41 Basse, op. cit., stanza 10; R. Brathwait, English Gentleman (London, 1641), pp. 88–89; T. Becon, Prayers, Parker Soc. (Cambridge, 1844), 30–31; 134.
42 F. Moryson, Itinerary (1617), ed. Furnivall, New Sh. Soc., p. 271.
43 Twelfth Night, i. v. 3 et seq. Maria significantly remarks that for Feste “turning away” would be “as good as hanging”; for he would have to steal, and so be hanged.
44 Markham, op. cit., p. 133.
45 Ibid., p. 164; and Harrison, op. cit., Bk. ii, Chaps. v and xi.
46 Harrison, op. cit., Bk. ii, Chap. xi.
47 S. Rowlands, Knave of Spades (?1610), ed. Hunt. Club, No. xxii (1874); and The Night Raven (1620), No. ix.
48 Basse, op. cit., stanza 11; Markham, op. cit., p. 117; Diamonde Most Precious, op. cit., sig. Bii; and W. Saltonstall, Picturœ Loquentes (1631), sig. E3.
49 Markham, op. cit., p. 144. On the increasing servility of servants, see also T. Scott, Four Paradoxes of Arte (1610), sig. C4; and Markham, p. 146.
50 Ibid., p. 157 et seq.; Basse, op. cit., stanza 3 et seq.; Cyuile Life, éd. cit., p. 26 et seq.
51 Markham, op. cit., pp. 109–110. Cf. Peacham, op. cit., p. 31 et seq.
52 Markham, op. cit., p. 126. See also Stonex in Schelling Ann. Papers, p. 271.
53 N. Breton, Courtier and Country-man (London, 1618); and Brathwait, op. cit., p. 186 et seq.
54 Troilus and Cressida, i. iii. 75 et seq.
55 William Baldwin, Treatise of morall Philosophie, London, [?1620], Bk. iii, Chap. i (ed. princ., 1564).
56 Bishop L. Andrews, Catechistic al Doctrine (London, 1675), p. 318 et seq.
57 Lodge, Looking Glasse (London, 1617), sig. F2.
58 Markham, op. cit., p. 103.
59 Twelfth Night, i. v. 107 et seq.
60 Ibid., ii. v. i; and iii. iv. 281.
61 Ibid., iii. iii. 12 et seq.
62 Ibid., ii. v. 85.
63 Cyuile Life, p. 25, refers to this system as common in France.
64 Twelfth Night, i. v. 172 et seq.
65 J. Stephens, Essayes (London, 1615), p. 320.
66 Twelfth Night, ii. v. 199 et seq.
67 Ibid., i. iii. 51. See also Furness ed., p. 39 n.
68 Overbury, Characters (London, 1856), p. 51. Overbury seems to regard chambermaids rather cynically (ibid., p. 101).
69 Twelfth Night, i. iii. 41 etc.
70 See the present writer, “Sir John Falstaff,” R.E.S., viii, 414 et seq.; and “‘This Poor Trash of Venice’ ”, J.E.G.P., xxx, 508 et seq. See also [J. Bodenham], Wits Common-wealth (London, 1640), p. 137 et seq.; and Burghley in the Parental Monitor (London, 1792), p. 146.
71 See the present writer, “The Theme of Timon of Athens,” M.L.R., xxix, 20.
72 See Cyuile Life, ed. cit., p. 23 et seq. In the Middle Ages, many younger sons had gone into trade in London, but this was now rather frowned upon. See W. Besant, Stuart London (London, 1903), p. 173 et seq.
73 Twelfth Night, ii. iii. 198.
74 Cyuile Life, ed. cit., pp. 57, 88, etc.
75 Twelfth Night, iv. iii. 49–50.
76 L. Andrews, Pattern of Catechistical Doctrine (London, 1675), p. 417 et seq.
77 See the present writer, “The Theme of Timon of Athens,” ed. cit.
78 Twelfth Night, iv. iii. 90. This is, of course, mere stuff of courtesy.
79 Ibid., v. i. 296.
80 Ibid., iii. iv. 5–6.
81 Ibid., iv. iii. 88.
82 Ibid., ii. ii.
83 Ibid., ii. v. 120.
84 Ibid., iii. iv. 40–41.
85 Ibid., ii. ii. 93.
86 W. Saltonstall, Picturæ Loquentes (London, 1631), sig. E3v.
87 Twelfth Night, ii. vi. 44–45.
88 S. Rowlands, Letting of Humours Blood, No. 26; and Harrison, op. cit., ii, vii.
89 Markham, op. cit., p. 136.
90 Basse, op. cit., stanzas 46–47.
91 Brathwait, English Gentleman (London, 1641), p. 89; Rowlands, Doctor Merry-man (1609), Hunt. Club, p. 22; and Knave of Clubs, Hunt. Club, p. 7.
92 Most of the evidence on this cited in the variorum ed. is of too distant a date to have much bearing. This doubtless accounts for its being so conflicting.
93 Twelfth Night, iii. ii. 75–76. Such a costume suggested low social class rather than Puritanism (Wright in ed. var., 174), or amorous intentions (Cf. Miss Linthicum, M.P., xxv, 87 et seq.).
94 Twelfth Night, var. ed., p. 174.
95 Overbury, Characters, “Foote-man.”
96 Ibid., p. 65. Malvolio's former appearance in yellow stockings suggests his rural origin. Household retainers were often of yeoman stock (Cyuile Life, ed. cit., 40).
97 See A. H. Nason, Heralds and Heraldry in Jonson's Plays (New York, 1907), p. 89 et seq. Characteristically enough, Jonson's heraldic method of satire is more learned but less dramatic than Shakespeare's use of costume.
98 Rowlands, Humours Blood, ed. cit., No. 13; and Harrison, op. cit., ii, v.
99 Twelfth Night, ii. v. 10.
100 Ibid., ii. v. 125–126.
101 Ibid., ii. v. 50 et seq.; and iii. iv. 93 et seq.
102 Harrison, op. cit., ii, v; Markham, op. cit., 131 et seq.
103 Harrison, op. cit., ii, v.
104 N. Breton, Forte of Fancie (1582), Works, ed. Grosart. i, 15.
105 Twelfth Night, ii. v. 15 et seq.; and iii. iv. 5 et seq.
106 See var. ed., p. 157 et seq.
107 On his punishment, see J. C. Bucknill, Psychology of Shakespeare (L. 1859), p. 249.
108 See the present writer, “Sir John Falstaff,” R.E.S., viii, 414 et seq; “Captain General Othello,” Anglia, xliii, 296 et seq; “The Theme of Timon of Athens,” M.L.R., xxix, 20; “Usury in The Merchant of Venice,” M.P., to appear; “Orlando,” P.Q., xiii, 72.
109 P. Meuschke and J. Fleischer in “Jonsonian Elements in ‘Twelfth Night’ ” (PMLA, xlviii, 722 et seq.) would make Malvolio a borrowing from Jonson: his character is rather too vivid for this; and his place toward the end of a long evolution of Shakespeare's servants suggests that he is rather Shakespeare's own development. (See the present writer, “Shakespeare's Rustic Servants,” Shak. Jhb., lxix, 87.) Furthermore, most of the similarities noted are commonplaces of contemporary life, many of them fairly common in earlier drama. Finally, it is both a social and a dramatic improbability that Shakespeare would model his concept of an Elizabethan servant on Jonson's of an Elizabethan knight (pp. 738–739).
110 For social background of other aspects of Twelfth Night, see the present writer, “Shakespeare's Rustic Servants,” loc. cit.; “Court Vs. Country in Shakespeare's Plays,” J.E.G.Ph., xxxiii, 222; “The Wooing of Olivia,” Neophil., about to appear; “‘This Poor Trash of Venice’,” J.E.G.Ph., xxx, 508; “Sir John Falstaff,” R.E.S., viii, 414; and “Mistaken Identity in Shakespeare's Comedies,” R.A-.A, xi, 289.