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Pirro Ligorio, Cassiano Dal Pozzo and the Republic of Letters

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

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References

1 Research for this article was conducted partly with a Post-Doctoral Fellowship in the Art History Program at La Trobe University, Melbourne, 2001–3. Cornell, T.J., ‘Ancient history and the antiquarian revisited: some thoughts on reading Momigliano's Classical Foundations’, in Crawford, M.H. and Ligota, C.R. (eds), Ancient History and the Antiquarian. Essays in Memory of Arnaldo Momigliano (London, 1995), 17Google Scholar. Also Momigliano, A., ‘Ancient history and the antiquarian’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 13 (1950), 285315CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gaston, R.W., ‘Merely antiquarian: Pirro Ligorio and the critical tradition of antiquarian scholarship’, in Grieco, A.J., Rocke, M. and Superbi, F. Gioffredi (eds), The Italian Renaissance in the Twentieth Century. Acts of an International Conference Florence. Villa I Tatti, June 9–11, 1999 (Villa I Tatti Studies 19) (Florence, 2002), 355–73Google Scholar.

2 The doubts about his philological abilities began with his colleague Don Antonio Agustín, who declared that Ligorio could not read Latin and Greek. Mandowsky, E. and Mitchell, C., Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities: the Drawings in MS XIII B. 7 in the National Library in Naples (London, 1963), 2, 2934Google Scholar. His knowledge of ancient languages was, however, probably adequate to his tasks, and he did not pretend to perfect understanding, often acknowledging assistance from his more scholarly friends, such as Benedetto Egio. Robert Gaston considered that this problem, and the supposed forgeries, were still circumscribed by the ‘Agustin, Mommsen, Hülsen diatribe against his [Ligorio's] linguistic incapacity and moral insufficiency’: Gaston, ‘Merely antiquarian’ (above, n. 1), 371. The irrationalities once inherent in the approach to Ligorio, fuelled by the scholarly narrow-mindedness and methodological inconsistencies outlined by Gaston, can be briefly demonstrated by Thomas Ashby's reference to Ligorio's ‘Neapolitan mind’ that ‘could hardly distinguish between the evidence of his eyes and the figments of his too fertile brain’: Ashby, T., ‘The Bodleian Ms. of Pirro Ligorio’, Journal of Roman Studies 9 (1919), 170201, esp. p. 170CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See Coffin, D.R., Pirro Ligorio, the Renaissance Artist, Architect and Antiquarian, with a Checklist of Drawings (University Park, Pennsylvania, 2004)Google Scholar for Ligorio's life and career.

3 Bots, H. and Waquet, F., La république des lettres (Paris, 1997), 11, 30, 31–4Google Scholar.

4 Nolhac, P. De, La bibliothèque de Fulvio Orsini (Geneva/Paris, 1976), 3778Google Scholar.

5 For letters from Dal Pozzo's correspondents, see Lumbroso, G., ‘Notizia sulla vita di Cassiano dal Pozzo’, Miscellanea di Storia Italiana 15 (1874), 131388Google Scholar.

6 Most notably the volumes published and in preparation for the series The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo: Osborne, J. and Claridge, A., Early Christian and Medieval Antiquities 1: Mosaics and Wallpaintings in Roman Churches; 2: Other Mosaics, Sarcophagi and Small Objects (London, 1996, 1998)Google Scholar; Freedberg, D. and Baldini, E., Citrus Fruit (London, 1997)Google Scholar; Scott, A.C. and Freedberg, D., Fossil Woods and Other Geological Specimens (London, 2000)Google Scholar; Whitehouse, H., Ancient Mosaics and Wallpaintings (London, 2001)Google Scholar; Stenhouse, W., Ancient Inscriptions (London, 2002)Google Scholar; Campbell, I., The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo, a Catalogue Raisonné: Ancient Roman Topography and Architecture, 3 vols (London, 2004)Google Scholar. See also Herklotz, I., Cassiano dal Pozzo und die Archäologie des 17 Jahrhunderts (Munich, 1999)Google Scholar.

7 Claridge, A. and Jenkins, I., ‘Cassiano and the tradition of drawing from the antique’, in Turner, N. (ed.), The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (Quaderni puteani 4) (London, 1993), 1326Google Scholar; Herklotz, Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), 31–2.

8 Solinas, F., ‘Percorsi puteani: note naturalistiche ed inediti appunti antiquari’, in Solinas, F. (ed.), Cassiano dal Pozzo. Atti del seminario internazionale di studi (Rome, 1989), 109Google Scholar, n. 52, who referred to Dehne as Dehnig; Claridge and Jenkins, ‘Cassiano and the tradition of drawing’ (above, n. 7), 14–16, called him ‘Father Dehnio’. Ingo Herklotz gave his correct name, Reinhold Dehne: Herklotz, Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), 97, 172.

9 The nucleus of Ligorio's work was an alphabetical dictionary; Campbell, , The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), I, 176Google Scholar; Volpi, C., Il libro dei disegni di Pirro Ligorio all'Archivio di Stato di Torino (Rome, 1994), 48–9Google Scholar; Solinas, ‘Percorsi puteani’ (above, n. 8), 109, n. 52. For Colville see: Durkan, J., ‘Three manuscripts with Fife associations: and David Colville of Fife’, Innes Review 20 (1) (1969), 4758CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Durkan, J., ‘Three manuscripts with Fife associations: and David Colville of Fife’, Innes Review 20 (2) (1969), 138–49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 Solinas, ‘Percorsi puteani’ (above, n. 8), 109, n. 52; Claridge and Jenkins, ‘Cassiano and the tradition of drawing’ (above, n. 7), 16.

11 Burns, H., ‘Pirro Ligorio's reconstruction of ancient Rome: the Anteiquae Urbis Imago of 1561’, in Gaston, R. (ed.), Pirro Ligorio, Artist and Antiquarian (Villa I Tatti, The Harvard University Center for Italian Renaissance Studies 10) (Milan, 1988), 1992Google Scholar, esp. p. 42, figs 91–3. Nor was this the only occasion on which Poussin referred to Ligorio. Anna Schreurs also pointed out instanceswhere the 1561 map was used by Poussin for background architecture, such as the Landscape with Pyramus and Thisbe (1651, Städelsches Kunstinstitut, Frankfurt am Main) and she observed that Ligorio's remodelling of the Vatican Belvedere and the surmounting curved loggia was adapted by Poussin for a commanding outcrop of buildings in the distance of the Landscape with Diogenes (1548, Louvre, Paris)Google Scholar; Schreurs, A., Antikenbild und Kunstanschauungen des Pirro Ligorio (1513–1583) (Cologne, 2000), 289–92Google Scholar. Ligorio's reconstruction of the Temple of Fortune at Palestrina may alsohave been the inspiration for the fantastic structure in the background of Achilles among the Daughters of Lycomedes (1656, Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, Richmond)Google Scholar, and in the depiction of Ordination from the second series of the Sacraments (1647, His Grace the Duke of Sutherland, on loan to the National Gallery of Scotland) Poussin gave Ligorio's Monumentum Publio Sum. Pacciorum (located at the top right-hand side of the 1561 map) a commanding position to Christ's left, making it an important structural feature of the composition. Poussin also copied Ligorio's illustration of Saturnus et Homo from Gabriele Faërno's Fabulae Centum; see Faërno, G., Fabulae Centum ex Antiquis Auctoribus Delectae, etc. (Rome, 1565), 58Google Scholar, and Rosenberg, P. and Prat, L.-A., Nicolas Poussin 1594–1665 catalogue raisonné des dessins (Milan, 1994)Google Scholar, cat. 192 for Poussin's drawing. For Ligorio's drawings for Faerno, see Mandowsky, E., ‘Pirro Ligorio's illustrations to Aesop's Fables’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 24 (1961), 327–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

12 For an overview of Francesco Barberini, see Merola, A., ‘Francesco Barberini’, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani VI (Rome, 1964), 172–6Google Scholar; Iodice, M.G., Il Cardinal Francesco Barberini (unpublished thesis, Rome, 1965)Google Scholar. A summary of the personnel comprising Dal Pozzo's circle is all that will be provided here. Herklotz's comprehensive view of seventeenth-century archaeology and antiquarianism, focused around the central figure of the Turin-born, Pisa-educated and Rome-oriented Dal Pozzo, includes profiles of the numerous artists, nobles and eruditi from the period of Dal Pozzo's earliest residence in Rome (1612) until his death (1657); Herklotz, Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), 33–52.

13 Miller, P., Peiresc's Europe. Learning and Virtue in the Seventeenth Century (New Haven/London, 2000), 7Google Scholar.

14 For Agostini, see Herklotz, I., ‘Excavations, collectors and scholars in seventeenth-century Rome’, in Bignamini, I. (ed.), Archives & Excavations “Archaeological Monographs of the British School at Rome 14) (London, 2004), 5588Google Scholar. For Pietro Fachetti's portrait of Cesi and letters to Dal Pozzo, see Solinas, F., I segreti di un collezionista: le straordinarie raccolte di Cassiano dal Pozzo 1588–1657: Roma, Galleria Nazionale d'Arte Antica, Palazzo Barberini, 29 settembre–26 novembre 2000 (Rome, 2000), 38–9Google Scholar. Letters to Dal Pozzo and a list of projects and writing of Naudé can be found in Lumbroso, ‘Notizia sulla vita di Cassiano dal Pozzo’ (above, n. 5), 363, n. 1; also Naudé, G., Aduis pour dresser une bibliotheque (Paris, 1627)Google Scholar. For Bouchard, see Haskell, F., Patrons and Painters, a Study in the Relations between Italian Art and Society in the Age of the Baroque (New Haven/London, 1980), 56–7Google Scholar; Herklotz, I., ‘Jean-Jacques Bouchard (1606–1641): neue Spuren seines literarischen Nachlasses’, Lias 29 (20022003), 321Google Scholar. For Aleandro, see Asor-Rosa, A., ‘Girolamo Aleandro, il Giovane’, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani II (Rome, 1960), 135–6Google Scholar. Pierre Bourdelot and his uncle Jean were both doctors, Jean a collector of first editions and manuscripts. Pierre added to the collection of books and manuscripts during his trip to Italy in 1635 in the suite of the Due de Noailles, French ambassador to Rome: Omont, H., ‘Catalogues des manuscrits de Jean et Pierre Bourdelot’, in Revue des Bibliothèques (Paris, 1891), 81103Google Scholar, esp. p. 81. Letters to Dal Pozzo from 1637 to 1645 from Bourdelot are published in Lumbroso, ‘Notizia sulla vita di Cassiano dal Pozzo’ (above, n. 5), 326–59. Also see Herklotz, Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), 35–6 (Aleandro), 44–7 (Bouchard), 48 (Bourdelot), 36–40 (Doni), 41–2 (Holste), 42–4 (Menestrier), 151–2 (Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc), 153–4 (Lorenzo Pignoria), 40–1 (Suarès); and A. Claridge, ‘Archaeologies, antiquaries and the memorie of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Rome’, in Bignamini, Archives & Excavations (above), 33–53.

15 Romani, V., Biblioteche romane del Sei e Settecento (Bibliografia, bibliologia e biblioteconomia: studi 3) (Rome, 1996), 6Google Scholar; Rhodes, D.E., ‘Pompilio Totti: publisher, engraver, Roman antiquary’, in Rhodes, D.E., Studies in Early Italian Printing (London, 1982), 94106Google Scholar; Totti, P., Ristretto delle grandezze di Roma, raccolta da Pompilio Totti (Rome, 1637), 3vGoogle Scholar.

16 Totti, Ristretto delle grandezze (above, n. 15); Rhodes, ‘Pompilio Totti’ (above, n. 15), 99–103.

17 Beal, M., A Study of Richard Symonds: his Italian Notebooks and their Relevance to Seventeenth-century Painting Techniques (New York, 1984), 37–8Google Scholar; Brookes, A., ‘Richard Symonds and the Palazzo Farnese, 1649–50’, Journal of the History of Collections 10 (1998), 139–57Google Scholar.

18 His correspondents ranged from London to Aleppo, Rome to Abyssinia, and all major European cities between; see the map in Miller, Peirese's Europe (above, n. 13), fig. 1; Solinas, I segreti di un collezionista (above, n. 14), 49–51. His colleague, Bouchard, wrote a book to celebrate Peiresc's activities, Les correspondants de Peiresc, and Bouchard was also the author of Peiresc's funeral oration at the Accademia degli Umoristi in 1637: Peireskii laudatio habita in condone funebri Academicorum Romanorum; Miller, Peiresc's Europe (above, n. 13), 17.

19 Miller, Peiresc's Europe (above, n. 13), 5.

20 Speaking of Peiresc's eventual critical obscurity, Miller commented, ‘never again would an antiquary represent, and be represented as, the idea of individual excellence’, and he observed that Peiresc ‘did not travel’ the ‘high road to the New Science’, the philospher and the scientist being its ‘new heroes’: Miller, Peiresc's Europe (above, n. 13), 157.

21 Volpi, Il libro dei disegni di Pirro Ligorio (above, n. 9), 50. The manuscripts were apparently acquired through Orsini's intervention: Vagenheim, G., ‘Les inscriptions ligoriennes: notes sur la tradition manuscrite’, Italia Medievale ed Umanistica 30 (1987), 199309, esp. p. 250Google Scholar.

22 Coffin, D.R., Pirro Ligorio and the Villa D'Este, 2 vols (Princeton University Ph.D. thesis, Ann Arbor, 1954), II, 168–9Google Scholar; Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 35.

23 Coffin, , Pirro Ligorio and the Villa D'Este (above, n. 22), II, 158–69Google Scholar; Volpi, Il libro dei disegni di Pirro Ligorio (above, n. 9). Copies were subsequently made for Queen Christina in 1664, today in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana [BAV], Ottoboniani Lat. 3364–3381; Coffin, , Pirro Ligorio and the Villa D'Este (above, n. 22) II, 172–4Google Scholar.

24 Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 35. It is unusual that there is no mention of the manuscripts in the 1644 inventory of the palace, although it may be that the contents of the library were deal t with separately. Bertrand Jestaz found the utter lack of inclusion of any material relating to Orsini's earlier inventories difficult to explain, and suggested that Orsini's collection might have been separated from the material in the palace. The only mention of books and papers in the inventory is in the Studiolo, a brief list itemized from 7316–7320; B.B. Jestaz (ed.) with the collaboration of Hochmann, M. and Sénéchal, P., L 'inventaire dupalais et des propriétés Farnèse à Rome en 1644 (Rome, 1994), 18, 300–1Google Scholar.

25 Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 36, for a detailed list and the published contents of XIII.B.7; Coffin, , Pirro Ligorio and the Villa D 'Este (above, n. 22), II, 153–8Google Scholar; Rausa, F., ‘Disegni su monumenti funerari romani in alcuni mss. di Pirro Ligorio’, Rendiconti Atti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei 7 (1996), 513–59Google Scholar; Rausa, F., Pirro Ligorio, tombe e mausolei dei romani (Studi ligoriani 1) (Rome, 1997)Google Scholar.

26 D'Onofrio, C., Roma nel Seicento (Florence, 1969), 379Google Scholar.

27 Vagenheim, G., ‘Des inscriptions ligoriennes dans le Museo Cartaceo pour une étude de la tradition des dessins d'après l'antique’, in Jenkins, I., Bailey, D., Herklotz, I., Rubinstein, R., Vagenheim, G., Whitehouse, H., Wredde, H. and Wright, D.H., Cassiano Dal Pozzo's Paper Museum (Quademi puteani 2–3), 2 vols (London, 1992), I, 79104Google Scholar.

28 Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 140 (appendix III); Coffin, , Pirro Ligorio and the Villa D'Este (above, n. 22), II, 158Google Scholar. Pighius's hand makes it certain that material from the manuscript was copied for inclusion in the codices Coburgensis and Pighianus: Vagenheim, ‘Les inscriptions ligoriennes’ (above, n. 21), 205–7, 207 n. 27.

29 Mandowsky, E., ‘Some observations on Phyrrho Ligorio's drawings of Roman monuments in Cod. B. XIII 7 at Naples’, Rendiconti Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia 27 (19521954), 335–58Google Scholar, esp. pp. 338, 341; Vagenheim, ‘Des inscriptions ligoriennes’ (above, n. 27).

30 Mandowsky, ‘Some observations on Phyrrho Ligorio's drawings’ (above, n. 29), 341. Gaston also noted that the inaccuracies of the Ottoboni copies resulted in a similarly distorted view by later scholars; Gaston, ‘Merely antiquarian’ (above, n. 1), 357. See also Herklotz, Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), 253–60.

31 Acquired in 1902 when the Barberini library was purchased by Pope Leo XIII: Mandowsky, ‘Some observations on Phyrrho Ligorio's drawings’ (above, n. 29), 335.

32 Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 35; Mandowsky, ‘Some observations on Phyrrho Ligorio's drawings’ (above, n. 29), 335–6; Almagia, R., L'opera geografica di Luca Holstenio (Studi e testi 102) (Vatican City, 1942), 13Google Scholar.

33 Solinas, ‘Percorsi puteani’ (above, n. 8), 109, n. 52.

34 Referred to in appendix II in Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 1), 130, but no further comment was made on its provenance or contents.

35 Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 55 (introduction to the catalogue); Mandowsky, ‘Some observations on Phyrrho Ligorio's drawings’ (above, n. 29), discussed BAV Vat. Lat. 4412 and gave a perceptive account of Ligorio's methods as an archaeologist in his period.

36 Bouzonnet-Stella was the nephew of Poussin's friend, the painter Jacques Stella (1596–1657), who was befriended by Poussin when he came to Rome in 1657; Blunt, A., Poussin (with a foreword by Michael Kitson, appreciation by Brian Sewell) (one-volume edition of 1967 two-volume edition) (London, 1995), 323Google Scholar, n. 26, fig. 256. Lavin, M. Aronberg, Seventeenth-century Barberini Documents and Inventories of Art (New York, c. 1975), 41Google Scholar, document 327; Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 36.

37 Archivio di Stato, Turin. B. Cod. a.III. 14.J.12. Coffin, , Pirro Ligorio and the Villa D'Este (above, n. 22), II, 162Google Scholar.

38 Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 40.

39 Coffin, , Pirro Ligorio and the Villa D'Este (above, n. 22), II, 177–80Google Scholar. The 1668 manuscript of Contini's description of Hadrian's Villa, which follows Ligorio, can be found at BAV Barb. Lat. 4804.

40 Mandowsky, ‘Some observations on Phyrrho Ligorio's drawings’ (above, n. 29), 338; Vagenheim, ‘Les inscriptions ligoriennes’ (above, n. 27), 250–1.

41 Mandowsky, ‘Some observations on Phyrrho Ligorio's drawings’ (above, n. 29), 338–9.

42 Doni's Lyra Barberina was an attempt to construct an instrument that would play music written in ancient modes: Palisca, C. and Barbieri, P., ‘Giovanni Battista Doni’, in Sadie, S. and Tyrrell, J. (eds), New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 29 vols (London, 2001), VII, 468–71Google Scholar, esp. pp. 469–70; Ziino, A., ‘Pietro della Valle e la ‘musica erudita’, nuovi documenti’, Analecta Musicologica 4 (1967), 97111Google Scholar.

43 Pastor, L. Freiherr von, The History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages, Drawn from the Secret Archives of the Vatican and Other Original Sources, etc. XXIX, translated by Graf, Dom Ernest OSB (London, 1938), 440–4Google Scholar.

44 Rietbergen, P.J.A.N., ‘Lucas Holstenius (1596–1661), seventeenth-century scholar, librarian and book-collector. A preliminary note’, Quoerendo 17 (1987), 205–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. pp. 214–16. Also see Wilckens, R., Leben des Gelehrten Lucae Holstenii, etc (Hamburg, 1723)Google Scholar.

45 Almagià, L'opera geografica di Luca Holstenio (above, n. 32), 13, 35. There is nothing to indicate if this is the 1553 or 1561 map. Roberto Almagià assumed it was the 1553 version, but the title recorded in the inventory — Roma Antiqua Pyrri Ligorii. Roma — seems to relate more to the subtitle of the large map — Effigies Antiqua Romae — than the Urbis Romae of 1553; Almagià, L'opera geografica di Luca Holstenio (above, n. 32), 13, n. 3. If Holste owned the 1561 map it would account for Poussin's knowledge of it — see above, n. 11.

46 Holste, L., Symbolica Dianae Ephesiae Statua a Claudio Menetreio Ceimeliothecae Barberinae Praefecto Exposita (Rome, 1688)Google Scholar; Holste, L., Vetus Pictura Nymphaeum Referens Commentariiolo Explicata (Rome, 1676)Google Scholar. For the Casino of Pius IV, see Smith, G., The Casino of Pius IV (Princeton, 1977)Google Scholar; Losito, M., Pirro Ligorio e il Casino di Paolo IV in Vaticano, l'‘essempio’ delle ‘cose passate’ (Rome, 2000)Google Scholar. For the Villa d'Este, amongst numerous others, see Coffin, D.R., The Villa D'Este at Tivoli (Princeton, 1960)Google Scholar; I. Barisi, M. Fagiolo and M.L. Madonna, Villa d'Este (Rome, 2003); Coffin, Pirro Ligorio (above, n. 2), 83–106 (chapter 3).

47 The Vatican catalogue of the Barberini holdings describes manuscript BAV Vat. Lat. 4412 as ‘Disegni all'acquerello di monumenti antichi (statue di marmo e di bronzi, che stanno a Roma o fuori)’, and notes that Holste had written the place where each monument was found. His notes are brief, for example on Jupiter Dolichenus he wrote ‘Nella vigna del Card, de Carpi’; BAV Barb. Lat. 4412, fol. 2.

48 Doni, G.B., Compendio del trattato de' generi e de' modi della musica (Rome, 1635)Google Scholar; Doni, G.B., Annotazioni sopra il compendio del trattato de' generi e de' modi della musica (Rome, 1640)Google Scholar; Doni, G.B., De Praestantia Musicae Veteris Libri Tres Totidem Dialogis Comprehensi, in quibus Vetus ac Recens Musica, cum Singulis earum Partibus, Accurate inter se Conferuntur (Florence, 1647)Google Scholar. For Doni also see Minto, A., Le vite dei pittori antichi di Carlo Roberto Dati e gli studi erudito-antiquari nel Seicento (Studi: Accademia Toscana di Scienze e Lettere ‘La Colombaria’ 1) (Florence, 1953), 1718Google Scholar.

49 Palisca and Barbieri, ‘Giovanni Battista Doni’ (above, n. 42), 469–70; Ziino, ‘Pietro della Valle’ (above, n. 42).

50 Vagenheim, ‘Les inscriptions ligoriennes’ (above, n. 27), 250.

51 Palisca, C., ‘G.B. Doni, musicological activist, and his ‘Lyra Barberina’’, in Olleson, E. (ed.), Modern Musical Scholarship (Stocksfield/Boston/Henley/London, 1978), 180205Google Scholar; C. Palisca, G.B. Doni's‘Lyra Barberina’, Commentary and Iconographical Study, facsimile edition with critical notes (Bologna, 1981); Palisca and Barbieri, ‘Giovanni Battista Doni’ (above, n. 42), 470.

52 Palisca, ‘G.B. Doni, musicological activist’ (above, n. 51), 183; Herklotz, Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), 172–4.

53 Palisca, ‘G.B. Doni, musicological activist’ (above, n. 51), 186.

54 Doni warned against taking these ‘poetic’ images literally; Palisca, G.B. Doni's ‘Lyra Barberina’ (above, n. 51), 36.

55 Palisca, G.B. Doni's ‘Lyra Barberina’ (above, n. 51), 45. Comparisons can certainly be drawn between the idiosyncratic lyre with the tortoiseshell still in evidence at its base in the Paris ‘Lyra Barberina’ manuscript and Ligorio's coin from Andania in BNN XIII.B.l, fol. 497, as well as its copy in BAV Barb. Lat. 5083, fol. 19, where the copyist seems to have taken some liberties with the original. This type of lyre also appears in BAV Barb. Lat. 4423, fol. 66, called a cithara, Ligorio's preferred term for the instrument, the modern Tuscan ribeca according to Athanasius Kircher; Kircher, A., Musurgia Universalis, facsimile of Rome, 1650 edition (Hildesheim/New York, 1970), 185Google Scholar. Doni distinguished between the lyre and the kithara, the lyre being longer, with more strings, the kithara wider, with shorter strings: Palisca, G.B. Doni's ‘Lyra Barberina’ (above, n. 51), 39.

56 Palisca, G.B. Doni's ‘Lyra Barberina’ (above, n. 51), fig. 17, pl. XI.

57 Franzoni, C. and Tempesta, A., ‘Il museo di Francesco Gualdi nella Roma del Seicento tra raccolta privata ed esibizione pubblica’, Bollettino d'Arte 73 (1992), 132, esp. p. 1Google Scholar.

58 Totti, Ristretto delle grandezze (above, n. 15), 113; Franzoni and Tempesta, ‘Il museo di Francesco Gualdi’ (above, n. 57), 3–12.

59 Coffin, , Pirro Ligorio and the Villa D'Este (above, n. 22), II, 170Google Scholar.

60 Gaston, ‘Merely antiquarian’ (above, n. 1), 357; Herklotz, Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), 179–80. Another of Scheffer's books, Argentoratensis de Re Vehiculari Veterum Libri Duo, etc, was derived from Queen Christina of Sweden's Turin copies; Vagenheim, ‘Les inscriptions ligoriennes’ (above, n. 27), 252.

61 Gasparotto, D., ‘Ricerche sull'antica metrologia tra Cinque e Seicento: Pirro Ligorio e Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc’, Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa, Classe di Lettere e Filosofia 4 (1996), 279324, esp. p. 283Google Scholar.

62 Ian Campbell considered Menestrier the author of this manuscript: Campbell, , The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), II, 691Google Scholar. Other material can be found at BAV Barb. Lat. 2079.

63 Totti, Ristretto delle grandezze (above, n. 15), 55. Letters to Dal Pozzo are published in Lumbroso, ‘Notizia sulla vita di Cassiano dal Pozzo’ (above, n. 5), 228–31.

64 Gasparotto, ‘Ricerche sull'antica metrologia’ (above, n. 61), 286.

65 Archivio di Stato, Turin (b) AS.a.III.3.J.9, fol. 160. See Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 108–9 and the frontispiece for an illustration. Menestrier's iconographic study was republished in Gronovius's, Thesaurus Graecarum Antiquitatum VII (Venice, 1735), 356Google Scholar. For an illustration of Mater Deor. Mater Syriae from Symbolica Dianae Ephesiae Statua see also Borea, E. and Gasparrini, C. (eds), L 'idea del bello. Viaggio per Roma nel Seicento con Giovan Pietro Bellori, 2 vols (Rome, 2000), II, 503–4Google Scholar, fig. 4b.

66 Buiatti, A., ‘Francesco Angeloni’, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani XIII (Rome, 1961), 241–2Google Scholar.

67 Totti, Ristretto delle grandezze (above, n. 15), 50; Marciana Ital. CXI cod. 282 (7116), a collection dated c. 1621–38; Fletcher, J.M., ‘Francesco Angeloni and Annibale Carracci's ‘Silenus Gathering Grapes’’, Burlington Magazine 116 (1974), 665–6Google Scholar.

68 According to Baglione, G.B., Le vite de' pittori, scultori et architetti dalpontificato di Gregorio XIII del 1572 in fino a' tempi di Papa Urbano Ottavo nel 1642, facsimile of 1642 edition, 3 vols (Vatican City, 1995), I, 108–9Google Scholar; Martin, J.R., The Farnese Gallery (Princeton, 1965), 170–3Google Scholar; Bacou, R., I grandi disegni italiani della collezione Mariette al Louvre di Parigi (Milan, 1982), 249–50Google Scholar; Rangoni, F., ‘Per un ritratto di Francesco Angeloni’, Paragone — Arte 499 (1991), 4667, esp. pp. 64–7 (appendix)Google Scholar; O'Neil, M. Smith, ‘Cavaliere Giovanni Baglione: ‘il modo eccellente di disegnare’’, Master Drawings 36 (1998), 355–77, esp. p. 355Google Scholar.

69 Buiatti, ‘Francesco Angeloni’ (above, n. 66), 242; Angeloni, F., La historia augusta da Giulio Cesare infino a Costantino il Magno. Illustrata con la verità delle antiche medaglie (Rome, 1641)Google Scholar. Bellori later withdrew the poems, probably because it was politically expedient to do so, the book having been dedicated to Louis XIII under the Barberini papacy, and only three years after its publication Innocent X's foreign policy favoured Spain, members of the Barberini being in exile in France; O'Neil, M. Smith, ‘Giovanni Bellori's Alla Pittura in Giovanni Baglione's Vite’, Storia dell'Arte 96 (1999), 153–64, esp. p. 155Google Scholar. Bellori published a new, revised edition of Angeloni's book in 1685, augmenting the examples with coins from the collection of Queen Christina of Sweden; Angeloni, F., La historia augusta da Giulio Cesare a Costantino il Magno. Illustrata con la verità delle antiche medaglie da Francesco Angeloni. Seconda impressione con l'emendationi postume del medesimo autore, e col supplimento di rovesci, che mancavano nelle loro tavole, tratti dal tesoro delle medaglie della regina Christina Augusta e descritti da Gio: Pietro Bellori, etc. (Rome, 1685)Google Scholar.

70 Angeloni, La historia augusta, 1641 (above, n. 69), 250 (N.B. the edition consulted in the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana has a misprinted index, referring to Ligorio at 230); Carunchio, T., ‘L'immagine di Roma di Pirro Ligorio: proposta metodologica per lo studio dell'opera dell'antiquario Napoletano’, Ricerche di Storia dell'Arte 3 (1976), 2541Google Scholar, published as La città, immagini, documenti (Rome, 1976) — see pp. 2930Google Scholar for Ligorio's methods.

71 Ligorio, P., Libro di M. Pyrrho Ligori napoletano, delle antichità di Roma, nel quale si tratta de' circi, theatri, & anfitheatri. Con le paradosse del medesmo autore, quai confutano le commune opinione sopra varii luoghi della città di Roma (Venice, 1553), 21vGoogle Scholar; Angeloni, La historia augusta 1641 (above, n. 69), 250; Burns, ‘Pirro Ligorio's reconstruction of ancient Rome’ (above, n. 11), 26; Negri, D. (ed.), Pirro Ligorio. Delle antichità di Roma. Circi, theatri, amphitheatri con numerose tavole e la pianta cinquecentesca di Roma (Rome, 1989), 7782Google Scholar.

72 Volpi, C., ‘Le vecchie e nuove illustrazioni delle ‘Immagini degli dei degli antichi’ di Vincenzo Cartari (1571 e 1615)’, Storia dell'Arte 74 (1992), 4880Google Scholar, esp. p. 61; Volpi, C., ‘Lorenzo Pignoria e i suoi corrispondenti’, Nouvelles de la Republique des Lettres 2 (1992), 71123Google Scholar; Volpi, Il libro dei disegni di Pirro Ligorio (above, n. 9), 84–6; McGrath, R.L., ‘The ‘old’ and the ‘new’ illustrations for Cartari's Imagini de dei degli antichi — a study of ‘paper archaeology’ in the Italian Renaissance’, Gazette des Beaux-arts 59 (1962), 215–26, esp. p. 223Google Scholar; Herklotz, Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), 153; Minto, Le vite deipittori antichi di Carlo Roberto Dati (above, n. 48), 12; Dati, C.R., Delle lodi del Comm. Cassiano dal Pozzo, orazione (Florence, 1664)Google Scholar.

73 Turner, N. (ed.), The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (Quaderni puteani 4) (London, 1993), 70Google Scholar (cat. 26, fig. 26).

74 Lhote, J.-F. and Joyal, D., Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc, Lettres à Cassiano dal Pozzo (1626–1637) (Adosa, 1989), 9Google Scholar; Herklotz, Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), 38–40; Miller, Peiresc's Europe (above, n. 13), 7; Solinas, I segreti di un collezionista (above, n. 14), 17.

75 Miller, Peiresc's Europe (above, n. 13), 1; Herklotz, Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), 19–20, 35–6 (Accademia degli Umoristi), 29–31 (Accademia dei Lincei). Holste sent a list of a number of manuscripts in the Vatican to Peiresc: Gasparotto, ‘Ricerche sull'antica metrologia’ (above, n. 61), 304.

76 Reply from Dal Pozzo in Lhote and Joyal, Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc (above, n. 74), 161, letter 57, dated 29 December 1634.

77 Lhote and Joyal, Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc (above, n. 74), 152, letter 52, dated 10 October 1634; Gasparotto, ‘Ricerche sull'antica metrologia’ (above, n. 61).

78 The earliest correpondence recorded between Dal Pozzo and Pignoria is a letter of 1628 from Padua, where Pignoria lived, to Dal Pozzo in Rome. Dal Pozzo did not take up residence in Rome until 1612, but the correspondence could, of course, have begun earlier than the documents record: Herklotz, Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), 153. Caterina Volpi said that the majority of Pignoria's correspondence to Dal Pozzo dated from the end of 1629: Volpi, ‘Lorenzo Pignoria e i suoi corrispondenti’ (above, n. 72), 104.

79 For a complete list of editions, see Volpi, C., Le immagini degli dèi di Vincenzo Cartari (Rome, 1996), 2830Google Scholar.

80 Volpi, Le immagini degli dèi (above, n. 79), 23–30.

81 Ripa, C., Iconologia, facsimile of 1618 edition, edited by Buscaroli, P., preface by Praz, M. (Milan, 1992), xiv, xvii–xviiiGoogle Scholar. This facsimile incorporates plates from the 1603 Roman edition.

82 Cartari, V., Imagini delli dei de gl'antichi, facsimile of 1647 Venice edition (Genoa, 1987)Google Scholar, a 5v; Mandowsky, ‘Pirro Ligorio's illustrations to Aesop's Fables’ (above, n. 11), 327–31; Vagenheim, ‘Les inscriptions ligoriennes’ (above, n. 21), 302.

83 Cartari, Imagini delli dei (above, n. 82), 291–400.

84 McGrath, ‘The ‘old’ and the ‘new’ illustrations’ (above, n. 72), 215–26; Volpi, ‘Le vecchie e nuove illustrazioni’ (above, n. 72), 48–80.

85 Volpi, ‘Lorenzo Pignoria e i suoi corrispondenti’ (above, n. 72), 71–118.

86 The sources used by Pignoria have been outlined by Volpi and include Enea Vico, Antonio Augustin and Sebastiano Erizzo, Van der Nod and Doni: Volpi, ‘Le vecchie e nuove illustrazioni’ (above, n. 72), 61. Volpi also identified Peiresc cameos that provided images for Pignoria, amongst these Scilla, Bacchus and a bacchante: see Cartari, Imagini delli dei (above, n. 82), 134, 331, 332. The correspondence with Aleandro included mutual requests for drawings: Volpi, Le immagini degli dèi (above, n. 79), 61, 63.

87 Volpi named amongst Pignoria's major correspondents Aleandro, Peiresc and Paolo Gualdo: Volpi, ‘Lorenzo Pignoria e i suoi corrispondenti’ (above, n. 72), 72–3.

88 Volpi, Il libro dei disegni di Pirro Ligorio (above, n. 9), 84–6; Volpi, ‘Le vecchie e nuove illustrazioni’ (above, n. 72), 61; McGrath, ‘The ‘old’ and the ‘new’ illustrations’ (above, n. 72), 223. Pignoria was in Rome for two years from 1605, and made the most of his stay to see antiquities: Volpi, ‘Lorenzo Pignoria e i suoi corrispondenti’ (above, n. 72), 81.

89 Pignoria certainly visited the Farnese Palace, commenting on the antique sculpture in the garden there; Volpi, ‘Lorenzo Pignoria e i suoi corrispondenti’ (above, n. 72), 97.

90 Panofsky, E., Renaissance and Renascences in Western Art (New York, 1972), 97–8, esp. p. 98Google Scholar, n. 1; Cartari, Imagini delli dei (above, n. 82), 294; Ligorio BNN XIII.B.7, fols 21–2; Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 59–60.

91 It was taken from the Villa Borghese to Paris in 1808: Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 59.

92 Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 60, n. 1.

93 Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 59, suggested there was a third relief that Ligorio may have followed, which would account for the slight variation between the angles of the heads in their cats 8 a and b. This need only, however, be a case of artistic licence.

94 Fröhner, W., Notice de la sculpture antique du Musée National du Louvre (Paris, 1869), I, 495501, esp. p. 499Google Scholar.

95 Coffin, Pirro Ligorio (above, n. 2), 21–2 on Ligorio and forgery. Also Grafton, A., Forgers and Critics (Princeton, 1999), 126Google Scholar; Vagenheim, G., ‘La falsification chez Pirro Ligorio’, Eutopia 3 (1994), 67104Google Scholar. A desire to reconstruct the past using the imagination inspired most reconstructions of antique works of art. Charles McGrath's article on the old and new images of Cartari, for instance, fails to take into account the more imaginative approach to methodology, inspired by idealism, that is encountered in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries: McGrath, ‘The ‘old’ and the ‘new’ illustrations’ (above, n. 72). Peiresc's travels were inspired by a desire to imagine what the past was like: Miller, Peiresc's Europe (above, n. 13), 32.

96 In the seventeenth century the Magna Mater relief was in the Cesi collection in Rome: Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 67.

97 Volpi, ‘Le vecchie e nuove illustrazioni’ (above, n. 72), 61; also see Volpi, Le immagini degli dèi (above, n. 79), 229–31. Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 67 (cat. 27), also called this Cartari illustration a ‘copy’ of Ligorio's original.

98 Pignoria, L., Magnae Deum, Matris Idaeae & Attidis Initia, etc. (Venice, 1624)Google Scholar, consists of twenty printed pages; pp. 7–9 is a front and back view of a figure wearing trousers, evidently derived from Attis's garment as depicted on the altar. On p. 17 is another image of Attis plainly taken from the altar relief or a drawing of it. See also Volpi, Le immagini degli dèi (above, n. 79), 229–31.

99 The statues were known to Aleandro both in the Corradini collection and in his own; Volpi, ‘Le vecchie e nuove illustrazioni’ (above, n. 72), 61, also pp. 99ff. for Pignoria's correspondence with Aleandro and Peiresc.

100 Ligorio BNN XIII.B.7, fols 50, 51, 53; Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 1), 65–6. All Ligorio's images of Harpocrates were subsequently copied by Dal Pozzo in BAV Barb. Lat. 4412, fol. 15. Like the images in Vat. Lat. 3439, the copies were made without the commentaries, the drawings’ basic outlines taken from Ligorio's carefully modelled sketches.

101 Pignoria's annotations begin at Cartari, Imagini delli dei (above, n. 82), 291, entitled ‘Annotationi di Lorenzo Pignoria, al libro delle imagini del Cartari’, and the images of Harpocrates are found at pp. 198 and 326.

102 Cartari's text on Harpocrates is found at Cartari, Imagini delli dei (above, n. 82), 196–8. Ligorio's commentary has been published in Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 65–6.

103 Cartari, Imagini delli dei (above, n. 82), 200. Ligorio connected the owl with the night, dedicated to the moon, or Isis; Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 65.

104 Cartari, Imagini delli dei (above, n. 82), 326.

105 It is unlikely, however, that Pignoria's knowledge of Ligorio's manuscripts owed anything to his correspondence with Dal Pozzo, which only began in the late 1620s (see above, n. 78).

106 Numerous copies from Ligorio are found in the Paper Museum, most apparently taken from BAV Vat. Lat. 3439. These include two views of the Altar to Minerva attributed to Bernardino Capitelli (1590–1639), which was in the Vatican in Dal Pozzo's day but at San Giorgio in Velabro when Ligorio drew it. His original drawings come from BNN XIII.B.7: Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 73 (cat. 37), pl. 24. Dal Pozzo also had new drawings made from the side of the altar, with the sacrificial instruments but without the inscriptions, suggesting that the model came from BAV Vat. Lat. 3439. The figured elements were considerably restored by Ligorio from internal evidence and another source, the relief of Marcus Aurelius Sacrificing in the Capitoline Museum: Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 73 (cat. 37). Mandowsky gave a perceptive analysis of this altar and Ligorio's drawings of it to demonstrate his methods of ‘restoration’: Mandowsky, ‘Some observations on Phyrrho Ligorio's drawings’ (above, n. 29), 342–5. Many drawings have been presumed to derive from BAV Vat. Lat. 3439: see Turner, The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 73), 62–3 (cat. 19), 70 (cats 26–7); Magnusson, B., ‘Sixteenth century drawings after Roman antiquities’, Nationalmuseum Bulletin 12 (1) (1988), 5988, esp. pp. 83–5Google Scholar (cats 30, 34). Vagenheim, ‘Des inscriptions ligoriennes’ (above, n. 27), 81–90, 91, 92–3, 96, 101; Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 66, 79, 111.

107 Gasparotto, ‘Ricerche sull'antica metrologia’ (above, n. 61), 283–5, n. 18.

108 Gasparotto, ‘Ricerche sull'antica metrologia’ (above, n. 61), 287.

109 Campbell, , The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), I, 176–7Google Scholar.

110 See Campbell, The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), I, cats 51, 52, 54–72.

111 Turner, The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 73), 134 (cat. 87), 240 (cat. 150), 241 (cat. 151).

112 Solinas suggested Dal Pozzo's original drawings might have been bought in various likely centres such as Florence, Siena and Rome, or obtained after he entered Cardinal Barberini's service in 1623 through the agency of his numerous correspondents: F. Solinas, ‘Other sources of drawings in the Paper Museum’, in Turner, The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 73), 225–42, esp. p. 228.

113 Solinas, ‘Other sources of drawings’ (above, n. 112), 228.

114 Campbell, , The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 7), II, 677–89Google Scholar, nos. 251–3.

115 Merz, J.M., ‘Das Fortuna-Heiligtum in Palestrina als Barberini-Villa’, Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 56 (1993), 409–50CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Turner, The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 73), 120–2 (cats 74–6).

116 Turner, The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 73), 120, noted that Capitelli was a possible attribution for a reconstruction after Cortona, the former artist having ‘pecialized’ in copying Ligorio drawings. This attribution has been rejected by Campbell, , The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), I, 64Google Scholar; II, 690. Nicolo, A., ‘Il carteggio puteano: ricerche e aggiornamenti’, in Solinas, F. (ed.), Cassiano dal Pozzo. Atti del seminario internazionale di studi (Rome, 1989), 1424, esp. p. 16Google Scholar; Turner, The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 73), 121; Herklotz, Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), 64–5 (pl. 97).

117 Merz, ‘Das Fortuna-Heiligtum in Palestrina’ (above, n. 115), 437–45; Suarès, J.M., Praenestes Antiquae Libri Duo (Rome, 1655), 43Google Scholar. Other references to Ligorio occur at pp. 20 and 66.

118 See Merz, ‘Das Fortuna-Heiligtum in Palestrina’ (above, n. 115), 427, 441 (cf. figs 15 and 26).

119 BNN XIII.B.7, fols 41, 310, 311: see Mandowsky and Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities (above, n. 2), 62 (cat. 14), 79 (cat. 51), 80 (cats 52, 53); BAV Barb. Lat. 4412, fols 15, 23.

120 Asfour, A., ‘Roland Fréart de Chambray’, in Turner, J. (ed.), Dictionary of Art XI (London, 1996), 743–4Google Scholar; de Chambray, R. Freart, Parallèle de l'architecture antique et de la moderne, etc (Paris, 1650)Google Scholar.

121 Fréart de Chambray, Parallèle de l'architecture (above, n. 120), 32–3, 36, 68–9, 99.

122 ‘…trois fois grand antiquaire, peintre, et architecte …’; Fréart de Chambray, Parallèle de l'architecture (above, n. 120), 36.

123 Fréart de Chambray, Parallèle de l'architecture (above, n. 120), 36–7.

124 Fréart de Chambray, Parallèle de l'architecture (above, n. 120), 99.

125 Avon, A., ‘Su alcuni esempi di scultura e architettura antiche nel Parallèle (1650) di Roland Frèart de Chambray e Charles Errard’, Annali di Architettura 13 (2001), 111–19, esp. pp. 112–13Google Scholar.

126 Asfour, ‘Roland Fréart de Chambray’ (above, n. 120), 743.

127 Solinas, ‘Percorsi puteani’ (above n. 8), 109, n. 52; Avon, ‘Su alcuni esempi di scultura e architettura’ (above, n. 125), 116–17.

128 Avon, ‘Su alcuni esempi di scultura e architettura’ (above, n. 125), 112–13.

129 Avon, ‘Su alcuni esempi di scultura e architettura’ (above, n. 125), 113–14.

130 Fréart de Chambray, Parallèle de l'architecture (above, n. 120), 32; plate at p. 33.

131 Avon, ‘Su alcuni esempi di scultura e architettura’ (above, n. 125), 116.

132 Fréart de Chambray, Parallèle de l'architecture (above, n. 120), 68–9; Campbell, , The Paper Museum of Cassiano dal Pozzo (above, n. 6), I, 177Google Scholar.

133 For topographical disputes and Ligorio's method versus Giovanni Bartolomeo Marliani's, see Laureys, M. and Schreurs, A., ‘Egio, Marliano, Ligorio, and the Forum Romanum in the sixteenth century’, Humanistica Lovaniensia 45 (1996), 385405, esp. p. 404Google Scholar, where those who, like Alessandro Donati and Nardini, still supported Ligorio's location of the Roman Forum (which was incorrect) are discussed. Rosetti, S., Rome, a Bibliography from the Invention of Printing through 1899, 1: the Guide Books (Biblioteca di bibliografia italiana) (Rome, 2000), 82Google Scholar, noted a 1665 edition of Nardini. The edition consulted: Nardini, F., Roma antica: riscontrata, ed accresciuta delle ultime scoperte … di Antonio Nibby e con disegni di Antonio De Romanis, 2 vols (Rome, 1988)Google Scholar, is a facsimile of Antonio Nibby's 1881 edition of the 1666 reprint; Nardini, F., Roma antica (Rome, 1666)Google Scholar.

134 Nardini, , Roma antica (1988) (above, n. 133), I, xGoogle Scholar.

135 Studies on Palladio are too numerous to cite here. Some fundamental texts include: Ackerman, J.S., Palladio (Harmondsworth, 1966)Google Scholar; Puppi, L., Andrea Palladio (London, 1975)Google Scholar; Boucher, B., Andrea Palladio: the Architect in His Time, photography by Marton, Paolo (New York, c. 1998)Google Scholar. The first of Palladio's guidebooks, Le antichità di Roma and Descrittione de le chiese de Roma, both unillustrated, were published in Rome in 1554. Probably intended as companion volumes, they went through about 30 editions between 1554 and the mid-eighteenth century; Five Early Guides to Rome and Florence, introduction by Murray, Peter (Farnborough, 1972)Google Scholar; Hart, V. and Hicks, P., Palladio's Rome, a Translation of Andrea Palladio's Two Guidebooks to Rome (New Haven/London, 2006)Google Scholar. Puppi, Andrea Palladio (above), 441–2, provided a brief commentary on Palladio's published works. I quattro libri dell'architettura (1570), which contains extensive reconstructions of ancient architecture, as well as examples of Palladio's own work, was similarly republished over three centuries. Editions of the Quattro libri in English translation were responsible for introducing a Palladian style into eighteenth-century England and the United States of America where, as Robert Tavernor has observed, Palladian architecture is seen by many as ‘a potent symbol of modern democracy and individual freedom’; R. Tavernor, ‘Palladio's ‘Corpus’: I Quattro Libri dell'Architettura’, in Hart, V. and Hicks, P. (eds), Paper Palaces: the Rise of the Renaissance Architectural Treatise (New Haven/London, 1998), 246Google Scholar. Palladio also provided the illustrations for Daniele Barbara's I dieci libri dell'architettura di M. Vitruvio, published in Venice in 1556; Hart and Hicks, Paper Palaces (above), 9; Tavernor, ‘Palladio's ‘Corpus’’ (above), 236.

136 Professional jealousy may have been at work here: Ligorio became architect of Saint Peter's in 1564, succeeding Michelangelo, for which Vasari never forgave him, as Vasari himself was vying for the post; and he also resented what he saw as Ligorio's ‘harassment’ of his ageing idol: H.A. Millon and C.H. Smyth, ‘Pirro Ligorio, Michelangelo, and St. Peter's’, in Gaston, Pirro Ligorio, Artist and Antiquarian (above, n. 11), 233–6. Gaston said that Ligorio was ‘expunged from art and architectural history by the vengeful Vasari’; Gaston, ‘Merely antiquarian’ (above, n. 1), 364.

137 ‘E con haver le casse piene delle sue gran'opere’; Baglione, , Le vite de' pittori, scultori et architetti (above, n. 68), I, 910Google Scholar.

138 Smith O'Neil, ‘Giovanni Bellori's Alla Pittura’ (above, n. 69), 153–64, esp. p. 155.

139 BAV, Ottoboniani Lat. 3364–3381.

140 Claridge and Jenkins, ‘Cassiano and the tradition of drawing’ (above, n. 7), 16.

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