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The Services of the Mathers in New England Religious Development

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 September 2009

Williston Walker
Affiliation:
Waldo Professor of Germanic and Western Church History, Theological Seminary, Hartford, Conn.

Extract

It is a fact of general observation that hereditary talent is rare. The history of our country, whether in the ecclesiastical or secular field, shows but few instances in which prominent service has been rendered by three generations of the same lineage. There have been, indeed, conspicuous exceptions to this wellnigh universal rule. The Winthrops and the Adamses of Massachusetts, for instance, or the Edwardses in the Connecticut valley, have placed their country in debt to their successive generations. But these illustrations are noticeable for their uncommonness. They seem to defy the universal law; and we look upon them with interest because, while they reveal the possibility of an aristocracy of birth and service, they show that the democratic constitution of America accords substantially with the general principles which govern our race in its development.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Society for Church History 1893

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References

page 62 note 1 An article of some value is that by DrDexter, H. M., “The Mather Family, and its Influence,” in Memorial History of Boston, ii., 297310.Google Scholar

page 62 note 2 Whether a new church was founded at Dorchester, or the older church reorganized, after the departure of Warham and a portion of its membership for Connecticut, is discussed with some suspense of judgment by the editors of the Records, First Ch., Dorchester, Boston, 1891Google Scholar, Introduction.

page 62 note 3 Compare, Masson, , Life of Milton, ii., 584.Google Scholar

page 63 note 1 The title-page of the first edition of the Answers to the Nine Positions gives the date of its transmission to America as 1637Google Scholar, but Shepard and Allin in their Defence of the Answer, 1645Google Scholar, credit the sending to 1636. The Thirtytwo Questions came over about the same time.

page 63 note 2 Like the answer of Mather to the Thirty-two Questions, Davenport's reply to the Nine Positions was not printed till 1643, though written in 1638. It treated such questions as the use of a liturgy, admission to sacraments, church membership, excommunication, and ministerial standing.

page 64 note 1 Hugh Peter, who put this Answer into print in London, in 1643, under the title of Church-Government and Church-Covenant Discussed, after it had circulated in manuscript, declared on the title-page that it was the “Answer of the Elders of the severall Churches”; and Richard Mather's son, Increase, affirmed (Order of the Gospel, Boston, 1700, p. 73Google Scholar) that “what he wrote was approved of by the other Elders, especially by Mr. Cotton.” But Cotton told Roger Williams (Reply to Mr. VVilliams, Pub. Narragansett Club, II: 103Google Scholar) that it was “drawne up by Mr. Mader, and neither drawne up nor sent by me, nor (for ought I know) by the other Eldershere,”—a statement the more striking that Cotton goes on to express his approval of the work. This affirmation of Cotton is supported by the writer of the preface to the Disputation concerning Church Members and their Children, in Answer to XXI. Questions, London, 1659Google Scholar (doubtless Richard's son, Nathanael), “The 32 Questions, the Answerer whereof was Mr. Richard Mather, and not any other Elder or Elders in New England.”

page 65 note 1 Nathanael Mather affirmed in the preface to the Disputation already cited, “Richard Mather… who likewise is the Author of the discourse Concerning Church-Covenant… which latter he wrote for his private use in his own Study, never intending, nor indeed consenting, to its publication, nor so much as knowing unto this day how the copy of it came abroad into those hands by whom it is made publick, save that he conjectures some procured a copy of it from Mr. Cotton.”

page 65 note 2 Hugh Peter seems to have been chiefly responsible.

page 65 note 3 Nathanael Mather, ibid., “Treatises, which have gone abroad, and generally been look't upon, as the compilements of the Elders in New-England; whereas they had but one private person for their Author.”

page 65 note 4 The Independency on Scriptures of the Independency of Churches, etc., London, 1643.Google Scholar

page 65 note 5 Modest & Brotherly Answer, preface.

page 66 note 1 Rutherford was professor at St. Andrews and one of the Scotch Commissioners in the Westminster Assembly. Mather says (Reply, p. 1Google Scholar): “Against this Answer [to Herle] Mr. Samuell Rutherford … hath alledged … many Objections … J may call them many, because in that Treatise of his there are no lesse than 24 or 25 severall places, wherein he brings up by name the said Answer.”

page 66 note 2 Magnalia, ed. 18531855, ii., 211.Google Scholar

page 67 note 1 Ibid, i., 453. Mather's tentative draught and the form finally adopted, both in his handwriting, are in the possession of the American Antiquarian Society of Worcester, Mass. The form proposed by him was abbreviated to half its length and evidently carefully discussed by the Synod.

page 67 note 2 The works of Cotton were clearly used in the preparation of the Platform.

page 68 note 1 Answer to Thirty-two Quest., p. 22.Google Scholar

page 69 note 1 See his views of 1645, in Increase Mather, First Principles, etc., Cambridge, 1675, p. 10.Google Scholar

page 69 note 2 A Defence of the Answer and Arguments of the Synod….against….J. Davenport, Cambridge, 1664.Google Scholar

page 69 note 3 Pastor at Northampton, Mass.

page 69 note 4 Increase afterward became a defender of the Synod's conclusions.

page 69 note 5 Records of the First Church at Dorchester, Boston, 1891, pp. 6975.Google Scholar

page 69 note 6 Magnalia, ed. 18531855, i., 455.Google Scholar

page 70 note 1 Notably by Pres. Quincy in his History of Harvard University; the defence of Increase Mather's character and motives by Robbins, Hist, of the Second Church … Boston, is an adequate reply.

page 70 note 2 Wendell, , Cotton Mather, p. 287.Google Scholar

page 71 note 1 Magnolia, ii., 310.Google Scholar

page 71 note 2 Mather, C., Parentator, p. 84.Google Scholar

page 71 note 3 The Necessity of Reformation, etc., Boston, 1679.Google Scholar

page 72 note 1 Parentator, p. 87.Google Scholar

page 72 note 2 My friend, Rev. William De Loss Love of Hartford, the results of whose extensive investigations regarding New England fasts and thanksgivings will soon be published, is my informant.

page 72 note 3 See Papers Am. Soc. Ch. Hist., iv., 2952.Google Scholar

page 73 note 1 Compare Palfrey, , Hist, of New England, iii., 359, etc.Google Scholar

page 73 note 2 See ibid., 381–5.

page 73 note 3 Parentator, p. 91.Google Scholar

page 74 note 1 These moderate demands, far short of a full restoration of ancient rights, may be found in Hutchinson, , Hist. Mass. Bay, ed. London, 1765, i., 367–9.Google Scholar

page 74 note 2 Mather found in London Samuel Nowell and Elisha Hutchinson, formerly members of the Massachusetts upper House, whom he associated with him. The best single account of Mather's work in England, together with copies of tracts published by him in defence of New England and furtherance of his mission, is in The Andros Tracts (Prince Society), Boston, 1869, vol. ii.Google Scholar, ed. by W. H. Whitmore.

page 75 note 1 Mather nearly succeeded in obtaining the restoration of the old charter from Parliament in 1690. See Palfrey, , iv., 64.Google Scholar

page 75 note 2 After the deposition of Andros in Massachusetts, the General Court of that province had sent Elisha Cooke and Thomas Oakes, both of whom had been Speakers of the lower House, to join Mather in England.

page 76 note 1 That Connecticut maintained the charter of Charles II., was due in great part to her smallness, in part also to the willingness of the home government to keep her as a thorn in the side of Massachusetts.

page 76 note 2 Compare Whitmore, Introduction to vol. ii. of The Andros Tracts, p. xxviii.Google Scholar

page 77 note 1 This story I have told at some length in the Yale Review, i., 6879Google Scholar, and I will venture therefore to omit references there to be found to the literature of the quarrel.

page 79 note 1 Much the most discriminating and valuable biography of Cotton Mather is that of ProfWendell, , Cotton Mather, New York, 1891Google Scholar, “Makers of America” Series.

page 80 note 1 See the judicious remarks of Wendell, , p. 100.Google Scholar

page 80 note 2 See Mather, Samuel, Life of… Cotton Mather, Boston, 1729, pp. 4144.Google Scholar

page 82 note 1 The observations of ProfWendell, (Cotton Mather, pp. 160162)Google Scholar seem to me eminently just.

page 83 note 1 The Boston News-Letter, An abortive attempt was made to start a paper in Boston in 1690. See Memorial Hist, of Boston, vol. ii., 387.Google Scholar

page 84 note 1 The full list is given in Sibley, , Graduates of Harvard, vol. i., 438–69; iii. 42158Google Scholar. I have omitted MSS. from my reckoning.

page 84 note 2 His Essay Upon the Good, called in later editions, Essays to do Good, Boston, 1710Google Scholar. See Marvin, , Life and Times of Cotton Mather, Boston, [1892] p. 362.Google Scholar