¹ Gamma, , ‘Music’, The Albion (Mar. 1856): 115,Google Scholar American Periodicals Series Online, (accessed 2 February 2009). Vera Brodsky Lawrence suggests that ‘Gamma’ might have been a pseudonym for the French critic Émile Girac (d.1869). See Lawrence, , Strong on Music: The New York Music Scene in the Days of George Templeton Strong, vol. II, Reverberations, 1850-1856 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995)Google Scholar (hereafter Lawrence II): 819. Theodore Eisfeld (1816- 2), a German violinist and conductor, led concerts by the Philharmonic from the 1848- 49 through the 1855-56 seasons; he was the first to conduct a full season of the orchestra (1852-53). He was an influential musician in New York City from the time of his arrival in 1848 until he returned to Germany in 1866. See Shanet, Howard, Philharmonic: A History of New York's Orchestra (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Co., 1975): 103, 109, 830Google Scholar; Lawrence, Vera Brodsky, Strong on Music: The New York Music Scene in the Days of George Templeton Strong, vol. I, Resonances, 1836-1850 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988) (hereafter Lawrence I): 595–6;Google Scholar and ‘Theodore Eisfeld’, Appleton’s Encyclopedia, http://www.famousamericans.net/theodoreeisfeld (accessed 19 May 2005).

² Both of these works are available in modern editions. See Ledbetter, Steven, ed., Rip Van Winkle: Grand Romantic Opera in Three Acts (New York: Da Capo Press, 1991) andGoogle ScholarGriggs-Janower, David, ed., The Oratorio of Daniel (Madison: A-R Editions, 1999).Google Scholar These are the only large works by Bristow in modern edition. The feud between the two composers and the critics, which took place in the pages of Willis’s, Musical World and Times (New York) and Dwight’s Journal of Music (Boston) during the first four months of 1854, is generally known to American-music scholars. Some of the sources on this feud areGoogle ScholarChmaj, Betty, ‘Fry versus Dwight: American Music's Debate Over Nationality’, American Music 3/1 (spring 1985): 63–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar and (from a historian's perspective) Hatch, Christopher, ‘Music for America: A Critical Controversy of the 1850s’, American Quarterly 14 (winter 1962): 578–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Two thorough and detailed examinations of the controversy (with differing conclusions) are in Lawrence II, 377-8, 479-89, and my ‘Introduction. Part IV: Louis Jullien and American Composers; Louis Jullien and George Bristow’, in George F. Bristow's Symphony No. 2 (‘Jullien’): A Critical Edition, a volume in the series Music of the United States of America (henceforth The Jullien Symphony) (Madison, WI: A-R Editions, forthcoming)Google Scholar.

³ There are several scholarly studies devoted to Bristow's music, including Rogers, Delmer Dalzell, ‘Nineteenth-Century Music in New York City as Reflected in the Career of George Frederick Bristow’ (PhD diss., University of Michigan, 1967)Google Scholar; Fried, Gregory Martin, ‘A Study of the Orchestral Music of George Frederick Bristow’ (DMA diss., University of Texas at Austin, 1989)Google Scholar; Griggs-Janower, David, ‘Rescued from the Fiery Furnace: George Frederick Bristow's Oratorio of Daniel’, The Choral Journal 38/9 (Apr. 1998): 9–21;Google ScholarGombert, Karl Erwin, ‘Leonora by William Henry Fry and Rip van Winkle by George Frederick Bristow: Examples of Mid-Nineteenth-Century American Opera’ (DMA diss., Ball State University, 1977); andGoogle ScholarGlahn, Denise von, ‘America as Niagara: Nature as Icon’, in The Sounds of Place: Music and the American Cultural Landscape (Boston, MA: Northeastern University Press, 2004): 17–63.Google Scholar There are also two scholarly articles about specific aspects of the composer's life: Dox, Thurston ‘George Frederick Bristow and the New York Public Schools’, American Music 9/4 (winter 1991): 339–52, andCrossRefGoogle ScholarYellin, Victor Fell, ‘Bristow's Divorce’, American Music, 12/3 (autumn 1994): 229–54.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For nineteenth-century biographical sketches, see Merz, Karl, ‘George F. Bristow’, Brainard's Musical World (Nov. 1877): 45–7,Google Scholar reprinted in Brainard's Biographies of American Musicians, ed. Bomberger, E. Douglas (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1999): 45–7; andGoogle ScholarCurtis, G.H., ‘George Frederick Bristow’, Music 3 (1893): 547–64Google Scholar.

⁴ Rogers, , ‘Nineteenth-Century Music in New York’, 58–66;Google Scholar Lawrence I, 106, n. 24, 302, n. 20.

⁵ Information about Bristow's early training and career is from an unpublished holograph document titled ‘The Life of a Musician. His Troubles & Trials &c’, written by George Bristow presumably in the 1860s. The manuscript is undated, but he describes the period of his early professional career as occurring ‘30 years ago’ (10). This document is part of the Bristow Manuscript Collection in the possession of Ms Marion Edwards of Long Island; she is the niece of Bristow's granddaughter, and I thank her for allowing me access to some of the materials.

⁶ Rogers, , ‘Nineteenth-Century Music in New York’, 67–70.Google Scholar Meyrer is included in the list of original Philharmonic Society members by Shanet, , Philharmonic, 91Google Scholar.

⁷ See Banister, Henry Charles, ‘The Life and Work of Sir. G.A. MacFarren’, Proceedings of the Musical Association, 1887-1888 (6 Feb, 1888): 67–88, 76,Google Scholar http://www.jstor.org (accessed 15 February 2007). See also Odell, George C. D., Annals of the New York Stage (15 vols), vol. 5 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1927-1949): 325Google Scholar; Lawrence I, 558-9.

⁸ ‘Life of a Musician’, 9-17, quotation is from 14-15. W. Musgrif (or Musgriff) is frequently mentioned as one of Bristow's teachers. See Rogers, , ‘Nineteenth-Century Music in New York’, 67–8.Google Scholar Musgrif joined the cello section of the Philharmonic Society during its second season, according to Krehbiel, Henry Edward, The Philharmonic Society of New York. A Memorial (New York: Novello, Ewer & Co., 1892),Google Scholar reprinted in Early Histories of the New York Philharmonic, ed. Shanet, Howard (New York: Da Capo Press, 1979): 41Google Scholar; he also performed cello in the 1842-43 Olympic Theatre orchestra, an ensemble that included both Bristows. See Odell, , Annals, vol. 4, 650–651.Google Scholar Musgrif was sufficiently accomplished as a cellist to perform in the New York premiere of Hummel's ‘Military’ Septet on 20 March 1843 (Lawrence I, 221). Bristow's autobiographical essay, however, is the best source of information about the important role played by Musgrif in the education of the young musician.

⁹ Rogers, (‘Nineteenth-Century Music in New York’, 60–61)Google Scholar thoroughly documents the Bristows' employment at the Olympic. His suggested date of 1838 for the commencement of their employment at that house is supported by George Bristow's statement (8) that he was 12 when he started to work there; he turned 12 in December 1837. See ‘Life of a Musician’, 7-8, Bristow Manuscript Collection.

¹⁰ ‘Life of a Musician’, 8-15, Bristow Manuscript Collection.

¹¹ Rogers, , ‘Nineteenth-Century Music in New York’, 70ff.Google Scholar Bristow's earliest orchestral works were his Overture in EЬ Major (op. 3), written in 1845 (when he was 19), the Sinfonia in EЬ (Symphony No. 1, op. 10), from 1847, several dances for orchestra (1849), and La Cracovian pour le Violon, for violin and orchestra (op. 13, 1850). During his first ten years with the orchestra, Bristow performed in at least 44 public concerts.

¹² Rogers, , ‘Nineteenth-Century Music in New York’, 76–8.Google Scholar Although Jean Thomas suggests that the composer accompanied Lind and Marietta Alboni on their American tours, this is incorrect, as he performed in Manhattan numerous times during this period. See Thomas, , ‘Bristow, George Frederick’, American National Biography, ed. Garraty, John Arthur (24 vols) (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999) andGoogle ScholarOdell, , Annals, vol. 6, 81, 93, 97, 107, 182Google Scholar.

¹³ Some important work has been done in recent years on the performance of ‘art’ music in the United States during the 1840s and 1850s. My chapter ‘Art Music from 1800 to 1860’, in The Cambridge History of American Music, ed. Nicholls, David (Cambridge: University Press, 1998, 2004): 186–213,Google Scholar is an overview of the situation in the first half of the century. Three important city studies are Broyles, Michael, ‘Music of the Highest Class’: Elitism and Populism in Antebellum Boston (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992)Google Scholar; Martin, George, Verdi at the Golden Gate: Opera and San Francisco in the Gold Rush (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993); andGoogle ScholarLawrence's, Vera monumental Strong on Music, vols. I and II (both already cited), and vol. III, Repercussions, 1857-1862 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999).Google Scholar Antebellum opera performance is covered by Ahlquist, Karen, Democracy at the Opera: Music, Theater, and Culture in New York City, 1815-1860 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1997), and my ownGoogle ScholarOpera on the Road: Traveling Opera Troupes in the United States, 1825-1860 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993, 2001)Google Scholar. Lott, R. Allen examines the performance history of itinerant pianists in From Paris to Peoria. How European Piano Virtuosos Brought Classical Music to the American Hinterland (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).CrossRefGoogle Scholar In reality, however, we still do not know much about the public performance of concert music in urban areas outside of Boston and New York during the antebellum period. A great deal of research remains to be done.

¹⁴ The arrival and reception of these three ensembles is mentioned in some detail in Lawrence I, 544-9, and I also cover their influence in ‘Introduction. Part II. Mid-Century American Concert Life: Trans-Atlanticism and American Identity’, The Jullien Symphony, forthcoming. See also Newman, Nancy, ‘Good Music for a Free People: The Germania Musical Society and Transatlantic Musical Culture of the Mid-Nineteenth Century’ (PhD diss., Brown University, 2002) andGoogle ScholarBeck, Roger L. and Hansen, Richard K., ‘Josef Gungl and his Celebrated American Tour: November 1848 to May 1849’, Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, 26/1–2 (1995): 53–72Google Scholar.

¹⁵ The increased performance of instrumental music in Europe is covered in Cooper, Jeffrey, The Rise of Instrumental Music and Concert Series in Paris, 1828-1871 (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1983)Google Scholar and in the various essays in Ringer, Alexander, ed., The Early Romantic Era. Between Revolutions: 1789 and 1848 (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1991)Google Scholar.

¹⁶ For information on Hommann, see Swenson-Eldridge, Joanne, ‘Hommann [Homan], Charles’, in Grove Music Online, ed. Macy, L., http://www.grovemusic.com (accessed 30 October 2004).Google Scholar Several of Hommann's orchestral works have been edited by Swenson-Eldridge and were published as Charles Hommann: Surviving Orchestral Music, vol. 17 in the series Music of the United States of America (Middleton, WI.: A-R Editions, 2007).Google Scholar Kallisti Music Press of Philadelphia (http://www.kallistimusic.com/, accessed 2 February 2009) has embarked on publication of Heinrich's complete works. About Fry and Gottschalk, see n. 18 below. In addition to this handful of composers, I have uncovered the names of a surprising number of other Americans (both native-born and immigrants) who wrote orchestral works in the United States during the antebellum period. These include the Philadelphians Philip Trajetta (1777-1884), Charles Hupfeld (?1788-1864), Leopold Meignen (1793-1873), Charles Zeuner (1795-1857), Karl Hohnstock (1828-89) and Johann Heinrich Bonawitz (1839-1917); New York residents Charles Wels (1825-1906), Theodore Eisfeld (1816-82), Jerome Hopkins (1836-98), Simon Knaebel (dates unknown) and Émile Girac (d. 1869); and the Massachusetts-born Charles Crozat Converse (1839-1918). For further information on these composers, see ‘Introduction. Part III: American Orchestral Composers in Mid-Century America’, The Jullien Symphony, forthcoming.

¹⁷ Predating the Overture for Orchestra in EЬ (1845) were several chamber works and piano compositions. See Delmer D. Rogers, ‘Bristow, George Frederick’, in Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy, http://www.grovemusic.com (accessed 31 October 2004). The overture was performed by the Philharmonic Society on 9 January 1847; this was the first time an orchestral work by an American-born composer was performed by the ensemble. It was also performed three months later, also in New York, at a Grand Festival Concert to benefit Ureli Corelli Hill. See Lawrence I, 422-3, 433-4.

¹⁸ Gottschalk's A Night in the Tropics is available in a modern edition (with the last 36 bars, missing in the full score, arranged and orchestrated by Gaylen Hatton) (New York: Boosey and Hawkes, 1965). About Fry, see David E. Campbell and John Graziano, ‘William Henry Fry’, in Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy, http://www.grovemusic.com (accessed 1 November 2004). Santa Claus (Christmas Symphony)(1853) is the only example of Fry's orchestral works available in a modern edition, in American Orchestral Music, 1800 through 1879, ed. Dennison, Sam (Boston, MA: G.K. Hall, 1992).Google Scholar For information on Bristow's compositional activities after the 1850s, see my ‘Introduction. Part I’, The Jullien Symphony, Rogers, ‘Nineteenth-Century Music in New York’, and Fried.

¹⁹ Thomas, in her entry on Bristow in American National Biography, states that the Jullien Symphonywas written in 1856, but this is clearly an error.

²⁰ For more information on the make-up of the Philharmonic Society's repertory during the period 1842-53, see my ‘Introduction. Part II’, The Jullien Symphony, and Krehbiel, , The Philharmonic Society, 95–109.Google Scholar Although many of the composers of works performed by the orchestra have been forgotten today, it is important to realize that they were well known at the time and, according to Adam Carse, their works were ‘greatly overvalued’ by their contemporaries in Europe as well as America. See Carse, , The Orchestra from Beethoven to Berlioz (New York: Broude Brothers, 1949): 4–5Google Scholar.

²¹ The non-orchestral works were by 42 composers, 27 of them different from the composers of orchestral music (many of whom also contributed non-orchestral compositions). Counting both orchestral and non-orchestral compositions, the Philharmonic performed almost 200 different works during this period, by 65 European and 3 American composers (Bristow, William Mason and the British immigrant George Loder). The seminal influence of operatic works on the young Bristow is made clear from his autobiographical description of his first exposure, at the Olympic Theatre, to ‘Suoni la tromba’ (‘Liberty Duet’) from Bellini's I Puritani. Writing about himself in the third person, Bristow related that the melody of this work ‘was so different from anything he had heard before, so striking &c [that] he thought there was a fire in it which would stir up anybody, and from this period did our young violinist take a start’ (14).

²² The Message Bird (15 Jun. 1850): 362.Google Scholar

²³ Columbus Overture (op. 32), completed in 1861, was originally intended to be the overture for a dramatic work; perhaps for that reason, Bristow moved decisively away from the more ‘classic’ instrumental forms of his first three symphonies. See Rogers, , ‘Nineteenth-Century Music in New York’, 192; and George H. Curtis (quoting William M. Thoms), inGoogle Scholar‘George Frederic Bristow’, Music 3 (1893): 559.Google Scholar Thoms describes the entire overture in some detail. Bristow's last two symphonies, The Arcadian (op. 50) and The Niagara Symphony (op. 62), are decidedly programmatic in style. They date from 1872 and 1893, respectively. See Rogers, , ‘Nineteenth-Century Music in New York’, 129, 135, 167-8, 182–3,Google Scholar and my ‘Introduction. Part I’, The Jullien Symphony.

²⁴ Bristow's work is never identified in the published programmes of the Jullien Orchestra's performances (at least in the United States) by its subtitle (theJullien Symphony), but rather as ‘New Symphony’ (29 December 1853) or ‘Symphony in D Minor’ (24 May 1854). As a result, the subtitle and its programmatic implications were not generally known to the public. The first time the work was called The Jullien Symphony in a published programme was at its premiere performance by the Philharmonic Society on 1 March 1856. See the New York Times programmes listed above, and the 1856 programme in the New York Philharmonic Archives.

²⁵ Other symphonies performed by the Philharmonic Society with significant roles for brass are primarily Beethoven's Symphonies Nos 3 and 5-9 and Schumann's Symphony No. 1, which was premiered by the orchestra in April 1853. Schumann uses brass significantly in his symphony, but not in the melodic or thematic manner of Schubert or Bristow. Another work that uses brass prominently is Rossini's overture to La gazza ladra (performed in 1846 and 1850). For information on performance dates, see Krehbiel, The Philharmonic Society. Berlioz was another contemporary composer who wrote prominently for trombone, but - except for two overtures (Les Francs jugesand King Lear), both performed a single time, both in 1846 - his work was not known in New York. See Krehbiel, , The Philharmonic Society, 99–100,Google Scholar and Saloman, Ora Frishberg, ‘Presenting Berlioz's Music in New York, 1846-1890: Carl Bergmann, Theodore Thomas, Leopold Damrosch’, in European Music & Musicians in New York City, 1840-1900, ed. Graziano, John (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2006): 29–49.Google Scholar Bristow also clearly exploited the presence (in Jullien's Orchestra) of the virtuoso trombonist William Winterbottom (1821-89). For (limited) information on Winterbottom, see Herbert, Trevor, The Trombone (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006): 144-5, 154, 156Google Scholar.

²⁶ The dance nature of this movement was denigrated by some critics. Theodore Hagen, critic for the New York Musical Review and Gazette, ridiculed the composer's substitution of a ‘polka’ for a minuet, pointing out that the latter dance was an ‘aristocratic’ form, while the polka was merely a ‘popular dance’ that, presumably, had no place in a symphony. Richard Storrs Willis also described the movement as ‘rather like a schottische.’ See Musical Review and Gazette, 8 March 1856, 68–69 andGoogle ScholarWillis, , New York Musical World (8 Mar. 1856): 110.Google Scholar Both reviews are of the Philharmonic Society's performance of the complete Jullien Symphonyon 1 March 1856.

²⁷ Ibid.

²⁸ The Philharmonic Society performed Mendelssohn's Symphony No. 3 (‘Scottish) in 1845, 1848 and 1850 and Symphony No. 4 (‘Italian’) in 1851. Another similarly ‘atmospheric’ symphony is Schumann's Symphony No. 3 (‘Rhenish’; 1850), but the work was not performed in New York until 1861. See Johnson, H. Earle, First Performances in America to 1900 (Detroit: Information Coordinators, 1979): 327Google Scholar.

²⁹ William Henry Fry wrote at least two works for Jullien's Orchestra - Santa Claus (Christmas Symphony) (1853) and his programmatic symphony, Childe Harold(1854; since lost). Jullien's Orchestra premiered the latter work on 1 June 1854; according to Upton, it was ‘composed expressly for this concert and presented to M. Jullien’. See ‘Amusements’, New York Times (2 Jun. 1854): 4, and William Treat Upton,Google ScholarWilliam Henry Fry: American Journalist and Composer-Critic (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1954): 142.Google Scholar Jullien also apparently commissioned a symphonic work titled Sea Voyage by Karl Hohnstock (1828-89), a German composer living in Philadelphia. The work, according to the programme, was ‘written expressly for these Concerts’. See ‘Jullien's Last Concert - Mr. Hohnstock's Symphony’, Cummings’ Evening Bulletin (Philadelphia) (25 Jan. 1854),Google Scholar for a concert on 24 January 1854.

³⁰ Illustrated London News, 9 November 1850, quoted in Carse, Adam, The Life of Jullien: Adventurer, Showman-Conductor and Establisher of the Promenade Concerts in England (Cambridge: Heffer, 1951): 66Google Scholar.

³¹ Quotation from William Brooks, ‘Jullien’, Grove Music Online, ed. L. Macy, http:// www.grovemusic.com (accessed 31 October 2004).

³² Modern scholars concur with this assessment of the calibre of Jullien's orchestra. John Graziano writes that the conductor ‘assembled an orchestra that played so precisely, so beautifully, and so in tune that it set a performance standard no other orchestra of the period could match’, and Howard Shanet describes the New York concerts as ‘on a level of technical proficiency that could probably not have been excelled in any city of the world at that time’. See Graziano, , ‘Jullien and his Music for the Millions’, in A Celebration of American Music. Words and Music in Honor of H. Wiley Hitchcock, ed. Crawford, Richard, Lott, R. Allen and Oja, Carol J. (Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1990): 209, andGoogle ScholarShanet, , Philharmonic, 116Google Scholar.

³³ Carse, , Life of Jullien, 82.Google Scholar A master's thesis by Eugene Victor Frey, titled ‘Jullien in America’ (University of Cincinnati, 1943)Google Scholar suggests by its title that it is comprehensive, but in reality Frey deals almost exclusively with Jullien's activities in New York and Boston. Extant newspapers reveal that Jullien and his orchestra performed in the following towns and cities between August 1853 and June 1854: Boston, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, Newark (NJ), Wheeling (VA), Pittsburgh, Cincinnati, Louisville, New Orleans, Mobile and Montgomery (AL), Savannah and Augusta (GA), Charleston (SC), Richmond (VA), Cleveland (OH), Buffalo and Rochester (NY). Some cities enjoyed multiple visits from the orchestra. I have compiled a database of published programmes from all the cities that Jullien's Orchestra visited (with the exception of Montgomery, AL, for which newspapers on the appropriate days are unavailable).

³⁴ According to Frey, Jullien gave two hundred and thirty-four concerts in America, but an examination of his itinerary suggests that his total was somewhat less than that. Newspapers are not extant for all the cities that he visited, so a precise number is difficult to ascertain. See Frey, , ‘Jullien in America’, 129Google Scholar.

⁴ March 1854, quoted in Carse, , Life of Jullien, 81Google Scholar.

³⁶ New-York Daily Tribune (26 May 1854): 7.Google Scholar

³⁷ New-York Daily Tribune (15 Dec. 1853): 7.Google Scholar

³⁸ The reputations of most of these performers have not survived to the present, but contemporary critics agree on their virtuosic abilities. See Dwight's Journal (20 Aug. 1853): 159, andGoogle ScholarRitter, Frédéric Louis, Music in America, 2nd ed. (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1895): 346.Google Scholar The nickname for Bottesini is from Slatford, Rodney, ‘Giovanni Bottesini’, Grove Music Online, ed. Macy, L., http://www.grovemusic.com (accessed 24 July 2008)Google Scholar.

³⁹ Spirit of the Times (3 Sep. 1853): 348,Google Scholar American Periodical Series Online (accessed 18 January 2007).

⁴⁰ New-York Daily Tribune (6 Oct. 1853): 6.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Dwight's Journalof Music (29 Oct. 1853): 29–30.Google Scholar

⁴² New York Times (16 May 1854): 4.Google Scholar

⁴³ In addition to the article by Graziano cited above, see also the standard work by Carse, Life of Jullien, as well as his more readily available The Orchestra, 230-41 and 377-82; Ritter, , Music in America, 346–8;Google ScholarCrawford, Richard, America's Musical Life: A History (New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2001): 285–7;Google ScholarShanet, , Philharmonic, 116-21 and 431–2;Google ScholarHoward, John Tasker, Our American Music, 4th ed. (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Co., 1965): 219–25;Google ScholarSchabas, Ezra, Theodore Thomas. America's Conductor and Builder of Orchestras, 1835-1905 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1989): 9–10; andGoogle ScholarHamm, Charles, Music in the New World (New York: W.W. Norton, 1983): 220–21Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ ‘George F. Bristow’, Brainard's (ed. Bomberger, ), 46.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ Overture for Orchestra was premiered on 9 January 1847 with the composer conducting. See Krehbiel, , The Philharmonic Society, 100–101;Google Scholar Symphony No. 1 was performed at an open rehearsal of the Philharmonic on 25 May 1850. See Lawrence II, 130-31.

⁴⁶ The statement about founding an American school of composition is from an interview with Harvey Dodworth, who was one of the original members of the Philharmonic Society and whose father Allen was one of the founding officers. See ‘Band Music Then and Now’, New York Times (29 Jun. 1879): 10.Google Scholar The information about the Philharmonic Society's by-laws is from Krehbiel, The Philharmonic Society, 43. See also Shanet, , Philharmonic, 102 andGoogle ScholarConstitution and By-laws of the Philharmonic Society of New-York. Adopted April 1843 (New-York: S.W. Benedit & Co., 1843). By-law VII is on p. 14.Google Scholar Another copy of the Constitution and by-laws, ‘containing all the amendments to January 1847’ was published in 1847, and by-law VII is still included. These documents are in the New York Philharmonic Archives.

⁴⁷ Lawrence II, 378. For further information on sources related to this journalistic battle, see n. 2 above.

⁴⁸ ‘To the President, Government, and Members of the New York Philharmonic Society’, letter dated 14 December 1848, published in the New York Herald (16 Dec. 1848), quoted in Lawrence I, 550-551.

⁴⁹ Saroni's Musical Times (17 Nov. 1849): 88.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Message Bird (15 Nov. 1849): 130.Google Scholar Italics are in the original.

⁵¹ Saroni's Musical Times (25 May 1850): 410–11.Google Scholar

⁵² Message Bird (1 Jul. 1850): 377.Google Scholar

⁵³ Lowens, Irving, Music and Musicians in Early America (New York: W.W. Norton, 1964): 221.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ According to Delmer Rogers, the conductor ‘catered to American musicians and audiences by employing the former and pleasing the popular tastes of the latter’. See Rogers, , ‘Nineteenth-Century Music in New York’, 117.Google Scholar The quotation from Merz is from the biographical sketch of Bristow in Brainard's (reprinted in Brainard's Biographies, ed. Bomberger, 46).

⁵⁵ In his review of the Philharmonic Society's belated first performance of the Jullien Symphony (March 1856), William Henry Fry bragged that Bristow's works ‘had been successfully heard in London’ (New-York Daily Tribune (3 Mar. 1856)). There are also references to performances of Bristow's works in the as-yet-unpublished Concert Life in Nineteenth-Century London Database Project, accessed 1 September 2006 by one of the compilers, Christina Bashford, for which I thank her. Two letters to the composer in the Bristow Manuscript Collection also mention that his works were performed in England. ALS (Jullien) to Bristow, 4 December 1854 and ALS Hill to Bristow, 25 March 1855, Bristow Manuscript Collection. My thanks to Ms Edwards for sharing this material with me.

⁵⁶ A Day in the Country was performed in New York 20, 21, 24 and 30 September, 3, 5, 11, 19 October, and 17 and 29 December. It was performed in Boston on 29 October, in Philadelphia on 12 November and in Baltimore on 28 November 1853. See the published programmes for the appropriate days in the New York Times, Boston Herald, Cummings’ Evening Bulletin (Philadelphia), and Baltimore Sun.

⁵⁷ For further information on the Jullien Orchestra's performances of The Breaking Heartand the Christmas Symphony,see my ‘Introduction. Part III’, The Jullien Symphony, Upton, 133-4, and Frey, 140. The scores to both A Day in the Country and The Breaking Heart (1852) have been thought lost, but the author of a recent scholarly paper reports having located them. See Joseph R. Harvey, ‘Rethinking William Henry Fry: Uncovering Two Lost Symphonies’, unpublished conference paper presented at Musical Intersections, Toronto (Society for American Music, 3 Nov. 2000). According to George Upton, Fry's brother Horace claimed that Jullien played the Christmas Symphony more than 40 times during his visit, but examination of programmes published in newspapers in the cities that Jullien's orchestra visited on tour suggests that this number is artificially high. See Upton, 240. The Jullien Orchestra also gave the premiere performance of Fry's 1854 symphony, Childe Harold, in New York on 1 June 1854.

⁵⁸ The performances of the Minuet were on 12 and 14 October (New York), 4 November (Boston), 21 November and 3 December (Philadelphia), 8, 19, 29 December and 18 May (New York), 10 February (Louisville), and 6 March (New Orleans). The advertisment for the first Philadelphia performance, on 21 November, reads only ‘Symphony (new)’, but since this would have been the first performance of a work by Bristow in Philadelphia, it was probably the initial Philadelphia performance of the Minuet, which was repeated on 3 December. No reviews or other advertisements relating to the 21 November performance in Philadelphia shed any light on it. The ‘new’ symphony performed on 29 December in New York was billed as ‘composed expressly for this occasion’. See programmes for the various concert dates in the New York Times, Boston Herald, Cummings’ Evening Bulletin (Philadelphia), Louisville Daily Journal and New Orleans Daily Picayune.

⁵⁹ Performances of the Allegretto (consistently mis-identifed as the Andante) were on 24, 26 and 31 May. See the appropriate issues of the New York Times and the New-York Daily Tribune.

⁶⁰ According to Henry Wiest Hill, Jullien's Orchestra also played the ‘slow movement’ (presumably the third-movement Adagio) numerous times in England. This means that Jullien programmed at least three of the four movements of the Jullien Symphony. Hill also wrote that he frequently wondered why they had not played the entire symphony (by early 1855). ‘I have asked Jullien many times to do so’, he continued. ‘In fact the Orchestra expressed a wish to hear it’ (the whole symphony). See ALS Hill to Bristow, 25 March 1855, Bristow Manuscript Collection. Determination of whether or not Jullien ever had his orchestra perform the entire work in England awaits further research. Apparently Jullien's copy of the score to the symphony is not extant; it was probably destroyed (along with many of Jullien's other scores) when Covent Garden Theatre burned in March 1856 ( Carse, , Life of Jullien, 87–8)Google Scholar.

⁶¹ It is worth noting that Henry Weist Hill mentions that British audiences had had some difficulty with Fry's The Breaking Heart when Jullien's Orchestra played the work in England. ‘We Britishers’, he explained, are ‘a little behind the times [so] that kind of music is a little ahead of us at present’. ALS Hill to Bristow, 25 March 1855, Bristow Manuscript Collection.

⁶² Lawrence II, 368.

⁶³ Rogers, , ‘Nineteenth-Century Music in New York’, 117.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ For further discussion of the issue of German musicians and their increasing domination of the Philharmonic Society, see my ‘Introduction. Part III’, The Jullien Symphony. See also Shanet, , Philharmonic, 109–10Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Crawford, , America's Musical Life, 327–9.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ New-York Daily Tribune (31 Dec. 1853): 5.Google Scholar To Willis, absolute music - and the forms of musical unity employed in such compositions (essentially, thematic development) - was superior to programmatic compositions such as Fry's Christmas Symphony, which was entertaining, but not ‘an earnest work of Art’ worthy of careful analysis. Fry countered with the argument that the ‘classic’ style of composition was old-fashioned, that composers like him were the wave of the future, and that he and other composers of programmatic works were now writing compositions based on a different criteria for musical unity. See Willis, , ‘Musical News from Everywhere. New York’, Musical World and Times (7 Jan. 1854): 5–6 andGoogle Scholar‘A Letter from Mr. Fry’, Musical World and Times (21 Jan. 1854): 30, 31, 34.Google Scholar For a more in-depth and nuanced discussion of this disagreement, see my ‘Introduction. Part IV’, The Jullien Symphony.

⁶⁷ ‘A Letter from Mr. Fry’, Musical World and Times (21 Jan. 1854): 29.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ For a thorough discussion of the New York Philharmonic's repertory during the first eleven years of its existence, see my ‘Introduction. Part III’, The Jullien Symphony. The only works by Berlioz that the Philharmonic Society performed during this period were two overtures, King Lear and Les francs juges (from the unfinished opera), both in 1846. The orchestra did not perform any works by Liszt until 1857. See Mueller, Rena Charnin, ‘Liszt (and Wagner) in New York, 1840-1890’ (50–70) andGoogle ScholarSaloman, , ‘Presenting Berlioz's Music’ (29–49)Google Scholar both in European Music & Musicians in New York City, ed. Graziano.

⁶⁹ Musical World and Times (4 Mar. 1854): 100Google Scholar; the characterization of Bristow is from Lawrence II, 484.

⁷⁰ Gilbert, Chase, America's Music, rev. 3rd ed. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987): 313.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Bristow's, first letter appeared in Dwight's (4 Mar. 1854): 182.Google Scholar The quotation is from Bristow, , ‘The Philharmonic Society’, Musical World and Times (4 Mar. 1854): 100.Google Scholar His resignation from the orchestra (of which he had been a member since 1843), was announced in his ‘Second Letter from Mr. Bristow’, Musical World and Times (1 Apr. 1854): 148–53.Google Scholar He apparently missed only five performances: the final concert of the 1853-54 season (22 April), and four during 1854-55 (2 December 1854, and 20 January, 20 March and 21 April 1855). See programmes of the Philharmonic Society concerts, New York Philharmonic Archives and my discussion in ‘Introduction. Part IV’, The Jullien Symphony.

⁷² ‘Musical Correspondence’, Dwight's Journalof Music (8 Mar. 1856): 180.Google Scholar Henry Cood Watson, writing in Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, complained that the symphony ‘lacked originality’ (‘N.Y. Philharmonic Society’, Leslie's (15 Mar. 1856): 265).Google Scholar Charges that American compositions lacked originality or observations of similarities to works by European composers were commonplace in criticism of American compositions during this period. At the same time, critics seemed to delight in recommending to young native composers that they travel to Europe in order to study with ‘the masters’, who would (theoretically) teach them how to compose. These two contradictory concepts - advice to imitate the ‘masters’ and complaints that American works were too derivative - must have seriously rankled young American composers of the time.

⁷³ Musical World and Times (Message Bird) (7 Jan. 1854): 5–6;Google ScholarFry's, comments are from the New-YorkDaily Tribune (3 Mar. 1856).Google Scholar