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III. Challenging Stereotypes – The Contexts of Reception

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2016

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Extract

This chapter broadens the basis of the discussion in three respects. Firstly, the discussion will include examples which show how the history of reception of ancient texts and ideas is intermingled with and to some extent shaped by the artistic forms and cultural politics of receiving traditions. This means that in looking at examples of modern reception it is necessary to consider the routes through which the ancient text or idea itself has passed and the way in which subsequent cultural assumptions filter modern representations. Secondly, I have deliberately chosen examples which engage with the claim that the ancient world provides models, either in the sense of examples of how human beings might behave or, more subtly, ways in which Greek or Roman history or culture has been presented as a base from which subsequent generations might analyse and critique not just the ancient world, but also their own. In this aspect of the discussion I shall challenge the notion, put forward by a number of critics and most recently fostered by Page du Bois, that those looking to the ancient world as a source of insight, whether artistic, moral or political, are necessarily conservatives. Thirdly, in pursuing this argument I shall also begin to scrutinize and revise any easy assumptions that may linger concerning underlying differences in the ways in which it is possible to characterize Greek and Roman material and its reception or about restrictions in the variety and potential of either. The focus here will be on Roman ideas and texts. The next chapter will concentrate on Greek examples.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Classical Association 2003

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References

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10 This feature of slavery is different from that developed later on from the sixteenth century by the European colonial powers. In that case slaves were transported to develop production in overseas territories: Shaw (2001), 8.

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12 Towards the end of World War II when Soviet troops were moving towards Germany, the Red Army authorities exhumed the bodies of 65,000 Jews killed by the Nazis in Eastern Europe and displayed the bodies every 200 metres along the roads most used by troops with signs which read ‘Look how the Germans treat Soviet citizens’. Source Beevor, Anthony, Berlin: the Downfall, 1945 (London, 2002), 169.Google Scholar

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16 In a different context the fluidity of political appropriations of the Spartacus image was shown by the success in America of the play The Gladiator by Robert Montgomery Bird. This was staged more that 1,000 times between 1831 and 1854 and lauded the democratic freedom of the American citizen.

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21 This may have been inspired by the posthumous publication of the prison notebooks of Antonio Gramsci in six volumes 1948–51. Mussolini had imprisoned Gramsci in the 1930s and his notebooks recorded his sense of the cultural and political value of Giovagnoli’s novel if the style of presentation could be updated; discussed by Wyke (1997), 48–9.

22 Wyke (1997), 65–72.

23 Douglas presumably had a major influence on this adaptation since he was co-producer of Spartacus for his own company in conjunction with backing from the Hollywood studio Universal- International. The project was costed at 12 million dollars.

24 Variety, 7th October 1960.

25 Reported in the fascist newspaper II popolo d’Italia, 21 April 1922; translated and quoted Wyke, Maria, ‘Sawdust Caesar: Mussolini, Julius Caesar and the drama of dictatorship’, in Wyke, M. and Biddiss, M. (edd..)? The Uses and Abuses of Antiquity (Bern, Berlin, Bruxelles, Frankfurt, New York, Wien, 1999), 167-86Google Scholar.

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30 See further Benton, T., ‘Rome reclaims its Empire: Architecture’ and ‘Speaking without Adjectives: Architecture in the service of totalitarianism’ in Ades et al. (edd.) (1995), 120-8Google Scholar.

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32 Seldes, G., Sawdust Caesar: the Untold History of Mussolini and Fascism (New York and London, 1935)Google Scholar.

33 For full documentation and detailed discussion of the design and staging see Wyke (1999), 178–84.

34 Thucydides, , History of the Peloponnesian War, Book 2, 3446, especially 41Google Scholar.

35 Ibid., c.65. For discussion and full summary of recent research on Hitler’s attitude to the ancient world, with bibliography, see Volker Losemann, ‘The Nazi Concept of Rome’ in Edwards (ed.) (1999), 221–35.

36 An eye-witness account is quoted by Beevor (2002), 81. See also Ziolkowski, Theodore, ‘The Fragmented Text: the Classics and Post-war European Literature’, International Journal of the Classical Tradition, vol. 6 no. 4 (Spring 2000), 549-62CrossRefGoogle Scholar, which discusses the pre-war Gymnasium curriculum in Prussia and the reception of the Thermopylae story in Herodotus by Schiller and Heinrich Boll.

37 Discussed by Losemann (1999), 233

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40 For an overview of research in this area, see Schmidt, Peter Lebrecht, ‘Latin Studies in Germany 1933–1945: Institutional Conditions, Political Pressures, Scholarly Consequences’ in Harrison, S.J. (ed.), Texts, Ideas and the Classics (Oxford, 2001), 285300 Google Scholar. Schmidt distinguishes various degrees of scholarly complicity with the Nazi regime. Also valuable is Lloyd-Jones, H., ‘Interesting Times’, International Journal of the Classical Tradition, vol. 4 no. 4 (Spring 1998), 580613 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with extensive footnotes and bibliographical references.