² Bernardus valle, montes Benedictus amabat. Oppida Franciscus, celebres Dominicus urbis. Cited in Medieval France (Garland Encyclopedias of the Middle Ages) Kibler, William W. et.al. eds. (Routledge; 1995) 301Google Scholar.

³ The Contested Theological Authority of Thomas Aquinas: The Controversies between Hervaeus Natalis and Durandus of St. Pourçain (New York: Routledge, 2003)Google Scholar.

⁴ I would hold that the Order has had other similar defining moments since the time of Thomas (e.g. a Salamancan moment, a Jandel moment, etc.). Here I am focusing on what I would call the ‘Aquinas moment’.

⁵ The Dominican Tradition (From the Spirituality in History), Zagano, Phyllis & McGonigle, Thomas C. (Liturgical Press, 2006) pp. xvi-xviiGoogle Scholar.

⁶ A History of the University in Europe: Volume1,Universities in the Middle Ages. Ridder-Symoens, Hilde de, editor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992) p. 415Google Scholar. The History of the Dominican Order. Intellectual and Cultural Life to 1500. v. 2, Wiliam A. Hinnebusch (New York: Alba House, 1973) p. 38.

⁷ Acta I,24 Fratribus qui monialibus vel aliis religiosis mulieribus sacramentum extreme unctionis administraverunt vel prelatos earum instituerunt vel destituerunt vel officium visitationis in eorum in earum domibus exercuerunt. iniungimus vii dies in pane et aqua, vii psalmos et vii disciplinas et in virtute obediencie districte precipimus quod a talibus abstineant. et eas de cetero non communicent. Qui autem eas visitave rint. non excusentur ab hac pena vel precepto propter literas domini pape. nisi in eis contineatur non obstante privilegio. etc. vel domini pape preceptum speciale. Nec aliquis fratrum de cetero sermones vel collationes vel alias sacras scripturas de latino transferant in vulgare. My translation: Brethren who minister to nuns or other religious women the sacrament of Extreme Unction whether establish by orders or prelates are to abandon their duty and, or visitation into their nunneries and houses. In virtue of strict obedience we command that you refrain from such things and enjoin a penance of seven days on bread and water, seven psalms and seven disciplines for those who disobey this in the future. Those who visit these women are not excused from this order even for a letter from the pope. Unless they are enclosed to us by special privilege of the Pope or the Order. No brethren may instruct them in collations nor translate for them the Sacred Scriptures from Latin into the vernacular.

⁸ Women in Medieval Society, Bolton, Brenda & Stuard, Susan Mosher (Philadelphia : University of Pennsylvania Press, 1976) p. 152Google Scholar. See also The History of the Dominican Order: Origins and Growth to 1500 vol. I Hinnebusch, William OP, (New York: Alba House, 1965) pp. 393–400Google Scholar.

⁹ The history of Medieval Canon Law in the Classical Period, 1140–1234: From Gratian to the Decretals of Pope Gregory IX (History of Medieval Canon Law). Hartmann, Wilfried & Pennington, Kenneth eds. (Washington,D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2008) p. 384Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Cf. Early Dominican Selected Writings Tugwell, Simon, ed. (New York: Paulist Press, 1982) pp. 181–325Google Scholar.

¹¹ See Jordan's, Mark D. article “The Controversy of the Correctoria and the Limits of Metaphysics” Speculum 57/2 (1982):292–314CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² Saint Thomas Aquinas. The Person and His Work vol. 1 Royal, Robert trans. (Washington, DC: Catholic Uiversity of America Press, 2005/1996)Google Scholar.

¹³ Item Cum venerablis vir memorie recolende fr. Thomas Aquino sua conversacione laudabili et scriptis suis multum honoraverit ordinem nec sit aliquatenus tolerandum quod de ipso vel scriptis eius aliqui irreverentur et indecenter loquantur. eciam aliter sencientes. iniumgimus prioribus provincialibus et conventualibus et eorum vicariis ac visitatoribus universis quod si quos invenerint excedentes in predictis. punire acriter non postponant [Acta Capitularum Generalium vol I, p. 204 (1279 Paris Chapter)]

¹⁴ Torrell, 309. Item. Districtius iniungimus et mandamus. ut fratres omnes et singuli. prout sciunt et possunt. efficacem dent operam ad doctrinam venerabilis magistri fratris Thome de Aquino recolende memorie promovendam et saltem ut est opinio defendam. et si qui contrarium facere. attemptaverint assertive. sive sint magistri sive bacallarii. lectores. priores et alii fratres eciam aliter sencientes. ipso facto. ab officiis propriis et graciis ordinis sint suspensi. donec per magistrum ordinis vel generale capitulum sint restitui. et nichilominus per prelatos suos seu visitatores iuxta culparum exigenciam. condignam reportent penam. (Acta, 235)

¹⁵ Translation my own. Item. Volumus et districte iniungimus lectoribus et sublectoribus universis, quod legant et determinant secundum dotrinam et opera venerabilis doctoris fratris Thome de Aquino, et in eadem scolares suos informant, et students in ea cum diligencia studere teneantur. Qui autem contrarium fecisse notabiliter inventi fuerint nec admoniti voluerint revocare, per priores provincials vel magistrum ordinis sic gaviter et celeriter puniantur, quod sint ceteris in exemplum. (Acta, 38)

¹⁶ Cited in Torrell, 182. G. Verbeke Jean Philopon. Commentaire sur De Anima d' Aristote, Louvain-Paris, 1966, pp. lxxiv-lxxv.

¹⁷ See Torrell on this: “To sum up these matters in a somewhat simplistic fashion, for Thomas—in accord with the hylomorphic doctrine he got from Aristotle—the intellectual soul is the only substantial form of the human composite, and it exerts this function at different levels of the life of that composite: vegetative, sensible, intellectual. His adversaries held, on the contrary, for a plurality of forms according to the different levels and, in the eyes of these adversaries, Thomas's doctrine was heretical, for it put in doubt the numerical identity of Christ's body before and after death. In effect, the soul being the unique form of the body and Christ's body being deprived of it temporarily by death, one could no longer say that the body in the tomb was the same as the body of the living Christ. It was necessary therefore to admit in addition to the soul, a ‘corporal form’ (or forma corporeitatis) that remained the same, inhering in the body before and after death, and thus was able to assure the continuity and the unity between these two states of Christ's body” (190).

¹⁸ Cf. Torrell 193, n.56.

¹⁹ Koch, Joseph “Durandus de S. Porciano O.P.“, Beiträge zur Gesch. der Philosophie des Mittelalters, XXVI (1927), pp. 1–436Google Scholar.

²⁰ Burbach, Maur O.S.B., “Early Dominican and Franciscan Legislation regarding St. Thomas” Medieval Studies, IV (1942) pp. 139–158CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²¹ Maurer, Armand, “The De Quidditatibus Entium of Dietrich of Freiberg and its Criticism of Thomistic Metaphysics” Medieval Studies 18 (1956): 173–203CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²² Cf. Libera, Alan de Introduction à la mystique rhénane d'Albert le Grand à maître Eckhart Sagesse chrètienne. Paris: O.E.I.L., 1984Google Scholar.

²³ Libera cites two works in particular Maître Eckhart, Theologie négative et connaissance de Dieu, by Lossky, V. (Paris, 1960)Google Scholar and Meister Eckhart. Anologie, Univozität und Einheit by Mojsisch, B. (Hamburg, 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, see page 234.

²⁴ History of Christian Philosophy in the Middle Ages. New York, 1955Google Scholar.

²⁵ Hinnebush, William. The History of the Dominican Order: Intellectual and Cultural life to 1500. II (New York: Alba House, 1973) p. 183, n. 45Google Scholar.

²⁶ Copleston, Frederick S.J., A History of Philosophy: Volume III Ockham to Suárez (London: Burns and Oates Lmtd., 1963) p. 186Google Scholar.

²⁷ Maurer, Armand. Master Eckhart: Parisian Questions and Prologues (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieaval Studies, 1974)Google Scholar.

²⁸ Jean-Pierre Torrell nuances his grouping of Eckhart with the Cologne School saying of Eckhart, “though not a Thomist, he nevertheless defended some of Thomas's notions … ” (313) then he specifically labels Dietrich of Frieberg as “the most virulent of the anti-Thomist” (314) see note 64. Elizabeth Lowe states “ But Cologne's Thomism was overshadowed by its Albertinism and the Rhineland Dominicans would produce the Orders first critics of Aquinas to arise since Kilwardby” (62) see note 21. She follows de Libera's casting Dietrich of Frieberg as the anti-Thomist of the day and disregarding the critical work being done on Dietrich mockingly says “The editors of Dietrich's Opera omnia have charitably labeled him a ‘pre-Thomist neo-platonist” (64).

²⁹ My translation. Libera, 236. Eckhart est véritablement l'héritier de la tradition ouverte par Albert le Grand. C'est un Prêcheur qui a vécu des mêmes textes et des mêmes expériences que nombre de ses confrères. En lui, comme en Thierry de Freiberg, le Lesemeister et la Lebemeister sont inséparables. C'est non seulement le même homme qui commente la Bible pour ses étudiants, qui assume la direction spirituelle de ses consœurs et qui prêche en langue vulgaire, mais aussi la même pensée et la même quête qui s'expriment ici et lá avec des moyens adaptés aux circonstances. Il y a donc autant de théologie dans les sermons allemands d'Eckhart que de spiritualité dans ses commentaires latins.

³⁰ “Defending Meister Eckhart: A Look at Suso and Tauler.” Eckhart Review 16 (2007): 19–34 and “Meister Eckhart and the Controversial Corrections of Aquinas” New Blackfriars (2010) 91: 335–344.

³¹ MacIntyre, Alasdair, After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory, (London: Gerald Duckworth & Co., 1982)Google Scholar.