Hostname: page-component-788cddb947-jbjwg Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-10-09T19:37:07.931Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Early Voices for Justice

I: Justice, Peace and Dominicans 1216–1999

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 January 2024

Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Core share and HTML view are not available for this content. However, as you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.

Preachers often find it difficult to make themselves heard. Humbert of Romans emphasised the need for a measured delivery in a strong voice, but getting a hearing has always been more than a matter of mere audibility. The first Dominican chapels were small, built on the cheap in the expectation that the friars would find a welcome and a pulpit in others’ churches. They had not reckoned on the hostility of parochial clergy. It was soon discovered that they would have to build large churches of their own. From its earliest years the Order of Preachers had to adopt new ways of communicating the Gospel, or go unheard. A certain ingenuity and willingness to copy a good idea is traditional for us, where we do not decline. In Florence not only the church but also the piazza outside Santa Maria Novella would have to be enlarged after 1245 to accommodate the crowds who attended the open air sermons. And now the Dominican Family has its presence on the Internet.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © 1998 Provincial Council of the English Province of the Order of Preachers

References

1 Humbert of Romans, Treastise on Preaching, ed. Conlon, W. OP, Blackfriars Publications 1955, p.41fGoogle Scholar.

2 McNabb, V., ‘Our Aim of Truth’, New Blackfriars, Vol. 1, No. 1, April 1920, p.8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Acta Capituli Provincialis Provinciae Angliae 1946, Oxford 1947, p.31Google Scholar.

4 B. Wicker, ‘Making Peace at Spode’, New Blackfriars, July/August 1981, p.314.

5 Programme of the Year's Events, Spode Conference Centre, 1964.

6 Humbert, op. cit., p.141.

7 S. Tugwell O.P., Early Dominicans, p.67.

8 Guillaume Pelhisson OP attributed the modest scale of building at the Toulouse priory in the early 1230s, “domos valde pauperes, parvas et humiles“, to “penuriam loci et defectum expensarum”, Chronique, ed. Paris, J. Duvernoy, 1994, p.40Google Scholar.

9 Lambert, Medieval Heresy, p. 118.

10 C. Morris, The Papal Monarchy, p.460. Hinnebusch argued that the poor have no particular quarter in (English) medieval towns. But a modern study of Siena by Daniel Waley describes the poor concentrated in the suburbs just beyond the walls.

11 Testimony of Br. Amizo of Milan during the canonization process of St. Dominic, trans, in S. Tugwell O.P., Early Dominicans, p. 71.

12 Emden, A., A Survey of Dominicans in England, Rome, 1967, p.18Google Scholar.

13 Chronique, op. cit, p.40.

14 There is some doubt as to whose commentary on the Politics came first. See the discussion in the Leonine edition of Aquinas, Opera Omnia, xlviii, Rome 1971, which also has a valuable appendix on Aquinas and the Nicomachean Ethics.

15 Hinnebusch, W. O.P., The Early English Friars Preachers, Rome 1951, p.98 & pp. 109‐113Google Scholar.

16 C.H. Lawrence, The Friars, 1994, p. 107.

17 A. C. Shannon OSA, The Medieval Inquisition, p.67.

18 Heresy became punishable by burning in imperial territories by a decree of 1224. Imperial laws on heresy were adopted by Italian cities over the next decade. The papal decree Ad extirpanda of 1252 provided for the legal torture of certain suspects, a measure already legal in certain Italian towns, but there is no clear evidence for the regular use of torture by the inquisition in this period.

19 The phrase “iusto Dei iudicio operante” describes the imprisonment and burning of Cathar heretics by Fr. Ferrarius OP in certain manuscripts of Pelhisson's Chronique, op. cit., p.46.

20 “Videte, omnes quam iniuriam faciunt mini et ville…” ibid, p.60.

21 C. Maier, Preaching the Crusades, pp.29‐30.

22 Thompson, A. O.P., Revival Preachers and Politics, Oxford, 1992, p. 51Google Scholar, Hinnebusch, op. cit., p.479.

24 Lives of the Brethren, trans. Conway, P., London, 1955, p.194Google Scholar.

25 Hinnebusch, op. cit., pp. 423‐424.

26 S. Tugwell, Early Dominicans, p.310.

27 Acta of the Quezon City General Chapter, cited in the 1978 Acta of the English Province.

28 Humbert, in S. Tugwell, Early Dominicans, p.143.

29 C. Morris, The Papal Monarchy, p.459.

30 A. Thompson, op. cit., pp. 57‐58, p.60, & p.71.

31 ibid, pp.200‐201.

32 Hinnebusch, op. cit., p.330.

33 C. Maier, op. cit, p.115, p.113 & p.72.

34 Fr. Morenzoni, ‘Les sermons de Jourdain de Saxe’, in AFP LXVI (1996), p.217.

35 “accipere usuram pro pecunia mutuata est secundum se iniustum…” ST 2,2ae, q.78, a.l.

36 Miri Rubin, Charity and Community in Medieval Cambridge, p. 89.

37 ST 2, 2ae q.66. a.7. For the views of earlier writers see Rubin, op. cit.

38 St 2,2ae q.66. a.2.

39 M. O'Carroll, A Thirteenth‐Century Preacher's Handbook, p.182.

40 Hinnebusch, op. cit, p. 64., p.467 & p. 476.

41 S. L. Forte, ‘A Cambridge Dominican collector of Exempla’, AFP (XXVIII) 1958, pp. 145‐6.

42 Vie des Saints et Bienheureux de I'ordre des Freres Precheurs, Lyon, 1887, Vol. I, p. 495Google Scholar.