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Power and Influence in International Politics

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  21 May 2009

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“International politics, like all politics, is a struggle for power. Whatever the ultimate aims of international politics, power is always the immediate aim.”

“Power” is one of the most central concepts in politics. For many years political scientists and sociologists have debated the term and tried to agree on its precise content. In a recent study about economic power concentrations in the Netherlands, Mokken and Stokman and their collaborators surveyed the theoretical position of the concepts “power” and “influence”. Most of the theoretical debates are held within the confines of American political science. A number of contributions in a recent issue of The American Political Science Review show that these debates have not yet come to an end. Most of these debates concern “community power”, that is power as it manifests itself within local communities. The most important contributions to this debate have been made by American and British political scientists.

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Articles
Copyright
Copyright © T.M.C. Asser Press 1977

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References

1. Morgenthau, Hans J., Politics among Nations (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 5th ed., 1973), p. 27.Google Scholar

2. Helmers, H.M. et al. , Graven naar Macht: Op Zoek naar de Kern van de Nederlandse Economie [Digging for Power: In Search of the Nucleus of the Dutch Economy] (Amsterdam: Van Gennep, 1975), pp. 2473.Google Scholar

3. This is of course not true for the relatively recent flow of literature concerning “imperialist” or “dependencia” relationships. This literature is, however, more concerned with the contents of these relationships than with the theoretical meaning of concepts such as “power” or “influence”. See Kemp, Tom, Theories of Imperialism (London: Dennis Dobson, 1967)Google Scholar; Frank, André Gunder, Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin American: Historical Studies of Chile and Brazil (New York and London: Monthly Review Press, rev. ed. 1969)Google Scholar; Senghaas, Dieter, ed., Imperialismus und Strukturelle Gewalt: Analysen über Abhängige Reproduktion [Imperialism and Structural Violence: Analyses of Dependent Reproduction] (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1972)Google Scholar; Owen, Roger and Sutcliffe, Bob (eds.), Studies in the Theory of Imperialism (London: Longman, 1972)Google Scholar; Krippendorff, Ekkehart, “Zum Imperialismus-Begriff” [The Concept of Imperialism] in Probleme der Internationalen Beziehungen [Problems of International Relations] ed. Krippendorff, Ekkehart (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag, 1972) pp. 177203.Google Scholar

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6. With the exception of the imperialism debates mentioned in note 3 supra.

7. Morgenthau, , op. cit.Google Scholar; Inis Claude, L. Jr., Power and International Relations (New York: Random Hause, 1962)Google Scholar; Organski, A.F.K., World Politics (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1964).Google Scholar

8. See Helmers, , op. cit.Google Scholar

9. The withdrawal of previously announced positive sanctions may be considered a mixture of positive and negative sanctions.

10. van Doorn, J.J.A., Organisatie en Maatschappij [Organization and Society] (Leiden: Stenfert Kroese, 1966), p. 5.Google Scholar The author of this paper does not accept the view of Mokken en Stokman, who consider power and influence as fundamentally different phenomena. They define power as “the capacity of actors (persons, groups or institutions) to determine or to alter totally or partly a structure of alternatives in behaviour or choice”. They consider influence as the “capacity of actors to determine (partly) the behaviour or choice of other actors within the structure of alternatives in behaviour or choice that is available to them”. (Helmers, op cit., p. 37Google Scholar). They admit, however, that both concepts in social reality are closely intertwined. One stays closer to the traditional literature and common parlance by not adopting such a sharp, fundamental difference between the concepts of power and influence.

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12. This is in fact Mokken and Stokman's view of power, cf. Helmers, op. cit., p. 37.Google Scholar

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17. Cf. Vital, David, The Inequality of States (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967).Google Scholar

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19. Heiss, et al. , op. cit., p. 44.Google Scholar

20. For similar observations on the importance of making military threats credible to the opponent, the “art of commitment”, see Schelling, Thomas C., Arms and Influence (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1966), pp. 3591.Google Scholar

21. Blainey emphasizes the importance of the perception of a government of its own power in international politics: “… a nation's policies and its perceptions of its own power are the products of the same minds. They reflect the same heightened or blunted sense of reality. The same men decide what should be achieved and what can be achieved”. (Blainey, , op. cit., p. 152).Google Scholar

22. Organski, , op. cit.Google Scholar

23. With regard to political structure he writes: “A quantitative index by which to measure the effectiveness of political institutions does not exist at the present time. Its creation is one of the major tasks that remains for political scientists to accomplish in the years ahead. When such a measurement is created, it should certainly be added to the index of power suggested here.” (Organski, , op. cit., p. 203).Google Scholar

24. Heiss, et al. , op. cit., p. 43Google Scholar and other writers have listed a number of objections to the use of the gross national product as measure of national power. Nevertheless, these authors use this measure, in the absence of a better one. Cf. also Cox, Robert W. and Jacobson, Harold K. (eds.), The Anatomy of Influence: Decision Making in International Organization (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1973), p. 437Google Scholar: “A state's GNP is probably the best single indicator of its overall resources.”

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28. Heiss, et al. , op. cit., pp. 39ff.Google Scholar Cox and Jacobson construct a power index by combining rankings on five indicators: Gross National Product, Per Capita GNP, Population, Nuclear Capability, and Prestige. The same objections are valid against their more sophisticated index. See Cox, and Jacobson, , op. cit., pp. 437443.Google Scholar

29. Deutsch, Karl W., “Toward an Inventory of Basic Trends and Patterns in Comparative and International Politics”, 54 The American Political Science Review (1960), pp. 3457.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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31. Lukes, , op. cit., p. 32.Google Scholar

32. Supra, p. 4.

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35. Holsti, , op. cit., p. 164.Google Scholar

36. Holsti uses the rather unlikely illustration that Albania and Belgium both would ask the British government to lower tariffs on the import of bicycles; the British government would have a greater “responsiveness” to accept the Belgian request.

37. Organski, , op. cit., pp. 104 ff.Google Scholar

38. This relates to the important problem of opportunity costs that the exercise of power involves.

39. Reacting to a remark by a member of parliament that he would have said that the Netherlands was only a small, puny country, Mr. Luns exclaimed: “That has never been said by me – never, never, never. I have never said that the Netherlands is a small, puny country. The Netherlands is a very important country.” (Hand. II 1970/71 p. 1658).

40. Van Staden, , op. cit.Google Scholar

41. Van Staden, , op. cit., p. 221.Google Scholar

42. Van Staden, , op. cit., p. 227.Google Scholar

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