1. This categorization of Kyiv's migrant community, which is discussed further in Nancy E. Popson and Blair A. Ruble, “Kyiv's Nontraditional Immigrants,” Post-Soviet Geography and Economics, Vol. 41, No. 5, 2000, pp. 365–378, is based on Tomas Frejka, Marek Okolski, and Keith Sword, In-Depth Studies on Migration in Central and Eastern Europe: The Case of Ukraine (New York and Geneva: United Nations Economic Commission for Europe and United Nations Population Fund, 1999); T. Klincheko, O. Malynovska, I. Mingazutdinov, and O. Shamshur, Country Studies on Migrant Trafficking and Alien Smuggling: The Case of Ukraine (Geneva: International Organization for Migration, 1999); and T. Klincheko, O. Malynovska, I. Mingazutdinov, and O. Shamshur, Migrant Trafficking in Ukraine. Report to the International Organization for Migration (Geneva: International Organization for Migration, 2000).Google Scholar

2. For discussion of interviews with migrants concerning motivation for travel to Ukraine, see Klincheko et al., Country Studies on Migrant Trafficking and Alien Smuggling, pp. 35–38, and Volodymyr Volovich, Volodymyr Yevtukh, Vladimir Popovich, Vasiliy Kousherec, and Konstantin Korzh, Transit Migration in Ukraine (Geneva: International Organization for Migration, 1994), pp. 12–13.Google Scholar

3. For discussion of travel routes to Ukraine, see Klincheko et al., Country Studies on Migrant Trafficking and Alien Smuggling: The Case of Ukraine; Klincheko et al., Migrant Trafficking in Ukraine; and Volovich et al., Transit Migration in Ukraine. These published analyses of migrant motivations were collaborated by interviews with Ukrainian and Kyiv municipal officials (interviews by author with: Vasyl' Gazhaman, former official, Kyiv City Department of Refugee Status and Migration, Kyiv, 26 January 2000; Mykola Pilipchuk, Chief, Administration for Passport, Registration, and Migration Work, Ukrainian Ministry of Internal Affairs, Kyiv, 30 June 2000; Volodymyr Novik, Head, Department for Refugees and Minorities, Kyiv City State Administration, Kyiv, 29 June 2000 and 24 May 2001; and Yurii Buznicki, Director, Center for Investigations of Migration Problems, Kyiv, 29 June 2000).Google Scholar

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5. Kennan Institute Survey of Migrant Families, Kyiv, June-November 2001 (Questions #3 and #35).Google Scholar

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8. Ibid., p. 390.Google Scholar

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11. “Ironiia syd'by, ili s legkim parom!” (Moscow: Mosfil'm Movie Studio, 1977).Google Scholar

12. Kennan Institute Survey of Migrant Families, Kyiv, June-November 2001 (Questions #67 and #261)Google Scholar

13. Kennan Institute Survey of Migrant Families, Kyiv, June-November 2001 (Questions #71 and #261). The actual monthly reported income levels appear to be incomplete. However, the hierarchy of earning power reported here is consistent with other data as well as more anecdotal evidence.Google Scholar

14. Kennan Institute Survey of Migrant Families, Kyiv, June-November 2001 (Questions #66 and #67). This experience is consistent with migrant entrepreneurs elsewhere. For example, Timothy Bates argues that high levels of educational attainment as well as previous employment in the professions prior to migration help to explain the relative success of Korean and other migrant merchants in American cities during the 1970s, 1980s, and early 1990s. (See Timothy Bates, Race, Self-employment, and Upward Mobility. An Illusive American Dream [Washington and Baltimore: Woodrow Wilson Center and Johns Hopkins University Presses, 1997].)Google Scholar

15. Nikolai Patsera, “Razognav veshchevoi rynok na stadione, stolichnye vlasti ‘naezhaiut’ na optovyi,” Kievskie Vedomosti, 16 September 1995g., pp. 1, 8; Liubov' Fedorova, Genrikh Sikorskii, “Respublikanskii stadion stal filialom Vladimirskogo rynka, tak rasporiadilsia mer Kieva,” Kievskie Vedomosti, 31 January 1996g., pp. 1–2; Nikolai Patsera, “Respublikanskii stadion ne vyzhivet bez optovogo rynka?,” Kievskie Vedomosti, 5 April 1996g., pp. 1, 6; and “Bazar v aute—futbol,” Vash Dom, 5 March 1996g, p. 1, 24. For discussion of similar experiences elsewhere see, for example, John C. Cross, Informal Politics: Street Vendors and the State in Mexico City (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998); and Gary Isaac Gordon, “Mexico City's ‘War of the Sidewalks’: The Politics and Economics of Street Vending in Historical Perspective,” conference paper, Latin American Studies Association, Guadalajara, Mexico, 17–19 April 1997.Google Scholar

16. Diana Hope Varat, “The Informal Economy and Urban Space: A Comparative Study of Street Vendors in New York and Mexico City,” senior honor thesis, Interdisciplinary Field Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1 May 2001, pp. 58–59.Google Scholar

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20. Kennan Institute Survey of Migrant Families, Kyiv, June-November 2001 (Questions #164 and #261)Google Scholar

21. Ibid. Google Scholar

22. Kennan Institute Survey of Migrant Families, Kyiv, June-November 2001 (Questions #181 and #261)Google Scholar

23. Kennan Institute Survey of Migrant Families, Kyiv, June-November 2001 (Questions #182 and #261)Google Scholar

24. Kennan Institute Survey of Migrant Families, Kyiv, June-November 2001 (Questions #184 and #261)Google Scholar

25. Kennan Institute Survey of Migrant Families, Kyiv, June-November 2001 (Question #223).Google Scholar

26. For an overview of Latin America's urban “revolution,” see articles in Richard M. Morse and Jorge E. Hardoy, eds, Rethinking the Latin American City (Washington and Baltimore: Woodrow Wilson Center and Johns Hopkins University Presses, 1992); as well as A. Gilbert, J. Hardoy and R. Ramierez, Urbanization in Contemporary Latin America (Chinchester and New York: Wiley, 1982). For a review of the region's demographic trends in relation to other global regions, see Ellen M. Brennan, “Population, Urbanization, Environment, and Security. A Summary of the Issues,” in Christina Rosan, Blair A. Ruble, and Joseph S. Tulchin, eds, Urbanization, Population, Environment, and Security. A Report of the Comparative Urban Studies Project (Washington: Woodrow Wilson Center, 2000), pp. 29–50.Google Scholar

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28. For an intellectual history of the concept of the “informal” urban sector, see Lisa R. Peattie, “Urban Research in the 1990s,” in Michael A. Cohen, Blair A. Ruble, Joseph S. Tulchin, and Allison M. Garland, eds, Preparing for the Urban Future. Global Forces and Local Forces (Washington and Baltimore: Woodrow Wilson Center and Johns Hopkins University Presses, 1996), pp. 378–380; and Richard Stren, “The Studies of Cities: Popular Perceptions, Academic Disciplines, and Emerging Agendas,” in Michael A. Cohen, Blair A. Ruble, Joseph S. Tulchin, and Allison M. Garland, eds, Preparing for the Urban Future. Global Pressures and Local Forces, pp. 406–411.Google Scholar

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30. International Labor Office, Employment, Income and Equality: A Strategy for Increasing Productive Employment in Kenya (Geneva, 1972).Google Scholar

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32. Among subsequent influential works refining Hart's concept were Richard Webb, Income and Employment in the Urban and Traditional Sectors of Peru (Washington: World Bank, 1974); Ray Bromley and Chris Gerry, Casual Work and Poverty in Third World Cities (Chichester and New York: Wiley, 1979); and Alejandro Portes, Manuel Castells, and Lauren A. Benton, eds, The Informal Economy: Studies in Advanced and Less Developed Countries (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989).Google Scholar

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34. Milton Santos, The Shared Space: The Two Circuits of the Urban Economy in Underdeveloped Countries (London: Methuen, 1979).Google Scholar

35. Janice Perlman, The Myth of Marginality: Urban Poverty and Politics in Rio de Janiero (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976).Google Scholar

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37. Ibid., p. 137.Google Scholar

38. Larissa A. Lomnitz, Networks and Marginality: Life in a Mexican Shantytown (New York: Academic Press, 1977).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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43. Oxana Shevel, in an excellent and perceptive analysis comparing the performance of indigenous and international institutions in dealing with migrant issues in Russia, Ukraine, and various neighboring states, argues that international organizations in general—and the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, in particular—have been unusually effective in Ukraine due to their relatively late entry into the country, by which time lessons learned from previous experiences in Russia and elsewhere enabled both international and Ukrainian officials to respond more effectively to one another. See Oxana Shevel, “International Influence in Transition Societies: The Effect of UNHCR and Other IOs on Citizenship Policies in Ukraine,” Rosemary Rogers Working Paper Series of the Inter-University Committee on International Migration, Working Paper No. 7 (Cambridge, MA, 2000).Google Scholar

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46. Ibid., p. 100.Google Scholar

47. Ibid., p. 101.Google Scholar

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49. M. O. Shul'ga, R. P. Shul'ga, N. L. Boiko, and T. Yu. Zagorodnyuk, Vyvchennya Vplyvu Zovnishn'oyi Mihratsiyi 91–1996 rr. Na Sminy Etnichnoho Skladu Naselennya Ukrayiny ta iyi Rehioniv (Kyiv: IOM, 1998), pp. 68–69; N. A. Shul'ga, Velikoe pereselenie: repatrianty, bezhentsy, trudovye migranty (Kyiv: Institut sotsiologii, NAN Ukrainy, 2002), pp. 605–654; Mary Frances Muzzi, “Ukrainian Press Surveys, March-May 2002,” unpublished manuscript, Kennan Institute, Washington, 2001; Olena Nikolayenko, “Migration in Ukraine, 1998–2001. Annotated Bibliography,” unpublished manuscript, Kennan Institute, Washington, 2001.Google Scholar

50. Afghan leaders and local officials concur, for example, that the per capita crime rate among Kyiv's Afghan community has remained far lower than that of native-born city residents (interview, Mokhammed Zekriia Khamnava, Sudkhan Dzhamat, and Abdul Mokhammed Iadchari, Afghan community leaders, Kyiv, 30 June 2000; interview, Yurii Vasyliovych Buznicki, Chairman, Ukrainian Charitable Foundation “Migration,” Kyiv, 29 June 2000).Google Scholar

51. Migrant Profile, Kennan Institute Survey of Migrant Families, Kyiv, June-November 2001.Google Scholar

52. Vitalii Riaboshapka, “S segodniashnego dnia Troeshchinskii rynok prekrashchaet rabotu.”Google Scholar

53. “Urban social sustainability” is defined by Richard Stren and Mario Polese as “policies and institutions that have the overall effect of integrating diverse groups and cultural practices in a just and equitable fashion” (Richard Stren and Mario Polese, “Understanding the New Sociocultural Dynamics of Cities: Comparative Urban Policy in a Global Context,” in Richard Stren and Mario Polese, eds, The Social Sustainability of Cities: Diversity and the Management of Change [Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000], pp. 3–38). For further discussion of the applicability of Stren and Polese's conception of “urban social sustainability” to the case of Kyiv's migrants, see Nancy E. Popson and Blair A. Ruble, “A Test of Urban Social Sustainability: Societal Responses to Kyiv's ‘Non-Traditional’ Migrants,” Urban Anthropology, Vol. 30, No. 4, 2001, pp. 381–409.Google Scholar