¹ Lindenfeld, David, The Practical Imagination (Chicago, 1997), 252–6, 315–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chickering, Roger, Karl Lamprecht (Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1993), chaps. 6–7Google Scholar; Glaeser, Johannes, Der Werturteilsstreit in der deutschen Nationalökonomie (Marburg, 2014)Google Scholar.

² Stolleis, Michael, Geschichte des öffentlichen Rechts in Deutschland, 4 vols. (Munich, 1988–2012), 2: 155 Google Scholar; Korioth, Stefan, “Erschütterungen des staatsrechtlichen Positivismus im ausgehenden Kaiserreich,” Archiv des öffentlichen Rechts, 117 (1992), 212–38, at 214Google Scholar.

³ Stolleis, Geschichte des öffentlichen Rechts, 2: 450.

⁴ Paulson, Stanley and Schulte, Martin, eds., Georg Jellinek: Beiträge zu Leben und Werk (Tübingen, 2000)Google Scholar; Kersten, Jens, Georg Jellinek und die klassische Staatslehre (Tübingen, 2000)Google Scholar; Anter, Andreas, ed., Die normative Kraft des Faktischen (Baden-Baden, 2004)Google Scholar; Hübinger, Gangolf, “Staatstheorie und Politik als Wissenschaft im Kaiserreich: Georg Jellinek, Otto Hintze, Max Weber,” in Maier, Hans, Matz, Ulrich, Sontheimer, Kurt, and Weinacht, Paul-Ludwig, eds., Politik, Philosophie, Praxis (Stuttgart, 1988), 143–61Google Scholar; Breuer, Stefan, “Fachmenschenfreundschaft II: Max Weber und Georg Jellinek,” in Breuer, Max Webers tragische Soziologie (Tübingen, 2006), 294–325 Google Scholar; Anter, Andreas, Max Weber's Theory of the Modern State (New York, 2014; first published 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also two notable accounts by historians: Kelly, Duncan, The State of the Political (Oxford, 2003), chap. 3Google Scholar; Ghosh, Peter, “Max Weber and Georg Jellinek: Two Divergent Conceptions of Law,” Saeculum, 59/2 (2008), 299–347 Google Scholar. In the past decade, Jellinek's thought has also drawn increasing interest in the literature on rights theory and international law.

⁵ Kersten, Georg Jellinek, 102–38; Oliver Lepsius, “Georg Jellineks Methodenlehre im Spiegel der zeitgenössischen Erkenntnistheorie,” in Paulson and Schulte, Georg Jellinek, 309–43, at 322; Ghosh, “Max Weber and Georg Jellinek,” 330–31; less persuasive are Andreas Anter, “Max Weber und Georg Jellinek: Wissenschaftliche Beziehung, Affinitäten und Divergenzen,” in Paulson and Schulte, Georg Jellinek, 67–86, at 77–79; and Sattler, Martin, “Georg Jellinek: Ein Leben für das öffentliche Recht,” in Heinrichs, Helmut, Franzki, Harald, Schmalz, Klaus, and Stolleis, Michael, eds., Deutsche Juristen jüdischer Herkunft (Munich, 1993), 355–68, at 361–3Google Scholar.

⁶ Lepsius, “Georg Jellineks Methodenlehre”; Kersten, Georg Jellinek, 93–178.

⁷ Brecht, Arnold, Political Theory (Princeton, 1959), 220;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Anter, “Max Weber und Georg Jellinek,” 69–70.

⁸ The only short treatment of Jellinek's methodology to take these issues fully into account is the fine work of Wapler, Frederike, Werte und das Recht (Baden-Baden, 2008), 165–77CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹ Kelsen, who disliked Jellinek, attended his seminar and acknowledged his “philosophical–sociological” contributions: Kelsen, Hans, “Autobiographie,” in Kelsen, Werke, ed. Jestaedt, Matthias, 5 vols. to date (Tübingen, 2007–), 1: 40–41 Google Scholar. He dealt extensively with Jellinek's work in his early career; see Kelsen, Hauptprobleme der Staatsrechtslehre in Kelsen, Werke, 2: passim, esp. 87–9, on fact and norm.

¹⁰ Space considerations make it impossible here to compare Jellinek with Weber's deeper and more elaborate reckoning with “objectivity” and “value-freedom” after 1904.

¹¹ See especially Haferkamp, Hans-Peter, Georg Friedrich Puchta und die “Begriffsjurisprudenz” (Frankfurt am Main, 2004)Google Scholar.

¹² Bärsch, Claus-Ekkehard, “Der Gerber-Laband'sche Positivismus,” in Sattler, Martin, ed., Staat und Recht (Munich, 1972), 43–71 Google Scholar; von Oertzen, Peter, Die soziale Funktion des staatsrechtlichen Positivismus (Frankfurt am Main, 1974)Google Scholar; Pauly, Walter, Der Methodenwandel im deutschen Spätkonstitutionalismus (Tübingen, 1993)Google Scholar; Friedrich, Manfred, Geschichte der deutschen Staatsrechtswissenschaft (Berlin, 1997), 222–60Google Scholar; Stolleis, Geschichte des öffentlichen Rechts, 2: 330–50. For critiques of the tradition after 1900, see Korioth, “Erschütterungen.”

¹³ In addition to the accounts in the previous note, see John, Michael, “Constitution, Administration, and the Law,” in Chickering, Roger, ed., Imperial Germany: A Historiographical Companion (Westport, CT, 1996), 185–214, at 201Google Scholar, and Caldwell, Peter, Popular Sovereignty and the Crisis of German Constitutional Law (Durham, NC, 1997)Google Scholar, chap.1, esp. 15–16, 19.

¹⁴ This description of constructivism, or “conceptual jurisprudence,” necessarily simplifies a more complex tradition. On its origins in private law through the early Rudolf Jhering, and occasional coexistence with acceptance of historically and socially informed legal scholarship, see Haferkamp, Georg Friedrich Puchta; Losano, Mario, Studien zu Jhering und Gerber (Ebelsbach, 1984)Google Scholar; Somek, Alexander, “Legal Formality and Freedom of Choice: A Moral Perspective on Jhering's Constructivism,” Ratio Juris, 15/1 (2002), 52–62 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hofmann, Hasso, “From Jhering to Radbruch: On the Logic of Traditional Legal Concepts to the Social Theories of Law to the Renewal of Legal Idealism,” in Canale, Damiano, Grossi, Paolo, and Hofmann, Hasso, eds., A History of the Philosophy of Law in the Civil Law World, 1600–1900 (Dordrecht, 2009), 301–54Google Scholar; and Oertzen, Die soziale Funktion, 214–38, on Gerber. Kaufmann, Arthur and Hassemer, Winfried, “Enacted Law and Judicial Decision in German Jurisprudential Thought,” University of Toronto Law Journal, 19/4 (1969), 461–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar, remains a useful overview.

¹⁵ See his comments in an influential passage in the book that made his reputation: Laband, Paul, Das Budgetrecht (Berlin, 1871), 75–76 Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Laband, Paul, Staatsrecht des deutschen Reiches, 3rd edn (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1895), x–xi Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Schönberger, Christoph, Das Parlament im Anstaltsstaat (Frankfurt am Main, 1997), 216–300 Google Scholar, primarily emphasizes political commonalities. Kersten, Georg Jellinek, 50–68, offers an assessment of the importance of Gerber and Laband for Jellinek, esp. 54–55, 63 on the dual view of the state.

¹⁸ Jellinek, Georg, Die Erklärung der Menschen- und Bürgerrechte (Leipzig, 1895)Google Scholar. Jellinek's thesis must also be seen in light of late nineteenth-century German theories of the Rechtsstaat and perceptions of French parliamentarism. See Kelly, Duncan, “Revisiting the Rights of Man: Georg Jellinek on Rights and the State,” Law and History Review, 22/3 (2004), 493–529 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁹ Laband to Jellinek, 21 Oct. 1895 and 6 Jan. 1889, in Nachlass Georg Jellinek, Bundesarchiv Koblenz, 1136/15, hereafter NL Jellinek; see also, e.g., 29 June 1892 for their “complete agreement” on the “legal nature of the state” in Laband's eyes.

²⁰ Camilla Jellinek, Georg Jellinek: Ein Lebensbild, repr. in Jellinek, Georg, Ausgewählte Schriften und Reden, 2 vols. (Aalen, 1970 Google Scholar; first published 1911) (hereafter ASR), 1: 5*–140*, at 88*.

²¹ Jellinek to Victor Ehrenberg, 5 Aug. and 25 Sept. 1873, in Keller, Christian, ed., Victor Ehrenberg und Georg Jellinek: Briefwechsel 1872–1911 (Frankfurt am Main, 2005)Google Scholar (hereafter Briefwechsel), 197, 201; see also Bleek, Wilhelm, Geschichte der Politikwissenschaft in Deutschland (Munich, 2001), 159–60Google Scholar.

²² Jellinek to Ehrenberg, 30 Dec. 1873, in Briefwechsel, 210.

²³ Jellinek to Ehrenberg, 26 July 1878, in Briefwechsel, 278.

²⁴ Jellinek, , Die sozialethische Bedeutung von Recht, Unrecht und Strafe (Vienna, 1878), 3–5 Google Scholar; Christian Keller, “Victor Ehrenberg und Georg Jellinek,” in Briefwechsel, 50; Kempter, Klaus, Die Jellineks, 1820–1955 (Düsseldorf, 1998), 191–5Google Scholar. Jellinek's Sozialethische Bedeutung also took a sociological approach to the validity of law—the criterion being its acceptance as valid by society—and saw that validity as varying with historical and social changes, not owing merely to deductive logic: see, e.g., 32–33, 42.

²⁵ Jellinek, Georg, Gesetz und Verordnung (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1887), hereafter GV, 1–188 Google Scholar; Jellinek, Die Erklärung; Jellinek, , Allgemeine Staatslehre, 3rd edn (Berlin, 1914; first published 1900), 9Google Scholar and throughout, esp. chaps. 3, 5–10, 13–15, 17–20. The Allgemeine Staatslehre, hereafter AS, is cited according to the third edition but checked against the 1900 and 1905 editions.

²⁶ Jellinek to Lujo Brentano, 28 May 1889, in Nachlass Brentano, Bundesarchiv Koblenz, 1001/29; Jellinek to Ludwig Felix, 20 June 1894, 2 July 1894, 8 Jan. 1895, 15 March 1895, 20 Oct. 1895, 14 May 1896, 16 May 1896, 24 May 1896, in NL Jellinek, 1136/43. During or before these years, Jellinek read the work of such “historical” political economists as Brentano, Heinrich Herkner, Werner Sombart, and Max Weber, and such “theorists” as G. F. Knapp, Albert Schäffle, Adolf Wagner, and Menger, among others, including socialist writers. For a sense of the scope of his reading, compare Weber, Max, Allgemeine (“theoretische”) Nationalökonomie: Vorlesungen 1894–1898 , in Max Weber Gesamtausgabe, ed. Mommsen, Wolfgang, section III, vol. 1 (Tübingen, 2009)Google Scholar.

²⁷ Jellinek, AS, 6–9, 28 ff. “Positivism” here refers to sociological or economistic, rather than legal, positivism.

²⁸ Hofmann, “From Jhering to Radbruch,” 305 ff.

²⁹ Jellinek to Ehrenberg, 11 Nov. 1873, 30 Dec. 1873, 26 July 1878, in Briefwechsel, 205, 209, 278.

³⁰ Georg Jellinek, “Die Klassifikation des Unrechts” (1879), in Jellinek, ASR 1: 76–150, at 80–82; Jellinek, GV, 242.

³¹ Georg Jellinek, “Die deutsche Philosophie in Österreich” (1874), in Jellinek, ASR 1: 55–68. Letters to Ehrenberg attest to Jellinek's intense interest in Windelband's work: e.g. 20 Oct. 1872, 29 April 1873, 9 June 1873, 27 June 1874, in Briefwechsel, 158, 180, 191–2, 222–3. On the question whether Jellinek was himself a neo-Kantian in his methodology see Lepsius, “Georg Jellineks Methodenlehre,” esp. 331–42; Wapler, Werte und das Recht, 149–51, 165 ff.; Hans Boldt, “Staat, Recht und Politik bei Georg Jellinek,” in Anter, Die normative Kraft, 13–25, at 15 n.12.

³² On Windelband and Rickert see Beiser, Frederick, The German Historicist Tradition (Oxford, 2011), 365–441 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bambach, Charles, Heidegger, Dilthey, and the Crisis of Historicism (Ithaca, NY, 1995), 57–125 Google Scholar; and Oakes, Guy, Weber and Rickert (Cambridge, MA, 1988), 41–110 Google Scholar.

³³ See Lepsius, “Georg Jellineks Methodenlehre”; Wapler, Werte und das Recht, 169–73; and for a contrasting view on the question of types see Ghosh, “Max Weber and Georg Jellinek,” 326, 330–31, who emphasizes Jellinek's empiricism and inductive approach in this area.

³⁴ Jellinek, AS, 19–20, 34, 36, 52; Jellinek, , System der subjektiven öffentlichen Rechte, 2nd edn (Freiburg, 1905; first published 1892), 17–18 Google Scholar; Jellinek, , Verfassungsänderung und Verfassungswandlung (Berlin, 1906), 71 Google Scholar.

³⁵ Jellinek, System, 16; also Jellinek, AS, 75–82.

³⁶ For his attempts to grapple with Rickert's philosophy see Jellinek to Rickert, 6 June 1901 and 11 March 1905, Nachlass Rickert, Universitätsbibliothek Heidelberg, Handschriftenabteilung Hs. 2740.

³⁷ Wapler, Werte und das Recht, 175–6, points out that against Gerber and Laband, Jellinek thought such values could not be removed and should be made transparent.

³⁸ Jellinek, AS, 64.

³⁹ Hertogh, Marc, ed., Living Law: Reconsidering Eugen Ehrlich (Oxford, 2009)Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Stammler, Rudolf, Die Lehre von dem richtigen Rechte (Berlin, 1902)Google Scholar.

⁴¹ Jellinek to his parents, 1 Dec. 1871 and 27 June 1872, quoted in Camilla Jellinek, Lebensbild, 16*–18*.

⁴² Jellinek, Georg, “Die Weltanschauungen Leibniz’ und Schopenhauers” (1872), in Jellinek, ASR 1: 3–41 Google Scholar, at 5, 16; also 32, 35, 40. Jellinek returned to the Fichte quotation throughout his life, calling it “Fichte's profound utterance” in Jellinek, System, 13 n. 1, and “Fichte's immortal word” in a 1907 speech: “Grossherzog Friedrich I. von Baden . . . Gedächtnisrede,” in Jellinek, ASR 1: 368–91, at 378.

⁴³ Jellinek to Ehrenberg, 4 Jan. 1877, in Briefwechsel, 267.

⁴⁴ Windelband, Wilhelm, “Zum Geleit,” in Jellinek, ASR 1: v–xii Google Scholar, at vii.

⁴⁵ Georg Jellinek, notes “Aus einem Notizbuch,” dated to 1871 and 1877 respectively, in Jellinek, ASR 1: 168, 171–2.

⁴⁶ See e.g. Jellinek, Die sozialethische Bedeutung, 37–42.

⁴⁷ Jellinek, “Die Klassifikation des Unrechts,” 87. See also Jellinek, AS, 332.

⁴⁸ Quoted in Camilla Jellinek, Lebensbild, 10*. Wapler, Werte und das Recht, 166, also observes that his Kantianism did not extend beyond the separation of the worlds of causality and practical moral life to the acceptance of objectively valid norms of any sort.

⁴⁹ Jellinek, Georg, “Gutachten, betreffend die Stellung der Staatswissenschaften, der Rechtsphilosophie und des Völkerrechts” (1887), in Jellinek, ASR 1: 299–306, at 305Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Jellinek, System, 11.

⁵¹ I have emphasized his early views to make clear that Jellinek's value relativism did not stem from the Heidelberg milieu of his later work, but his opinions remained consistent; for just a few examples see Jellinek, AS, 21, 35–6, 171.

⁵² Kersten, Georg Jellinek, 96.

⁵³ Jellinek, Die sozialethische Bedeutung, 13. Italics added.

⁵⁴ Ibid., 13–14. See also Jellinek, AS, 262.

⁵⁵ Jellinek, Die sozialethische Bedeutung, 13–14. See also Jellinek, AS, 28–9.

⁵⁶ Jellinek, Die sozialethische Bedeutung, 14. The source of Jellinek's early (1878–9) usage of the language of values (Werte and Werturtheile) is unclear. It may be owing to Windelband or the philosopher Hermann Lotze, whom Jellinek met in 1874 (Briefwechsel, 158, 223); it does not stem from Friedrich Nietzsche.

⁵⁷ Jellinek, AS, 13–14.

⁵⁸ As this section demonstrates, Peter Ghosh's nuanced comparison of the two men errs in portraying Jellinek as seeking eternally valid values and differing from Weber on their infinite variety and “mutability.” Ghosh, “Max Weber and Georg Jellinek,” 328.

⁵⁹ Perhaps Jellinek's clearest statement of this “antinomian” vision, and of incommensurable world views analogous to Kuhnian paradigms, can be found in Jellinek, Georg, “Der Kampf des alten mit dem neuen Recht” (1907), in Jellinek, ASR 1: 392–427 Google Scholar, esp. 396, 404.

⁶⁰ Jellinek, AS, 228.

⁶¹ Ibid., chap. 8, esp. 239–50. Jellinek's nonnormative analysis of the state's “goals” in terms of non-metaphysical state functions was one of his major contributions to developing an empirical political science. Anter, Andreas, “Georg Jellineks wissenschaftliche Politik: Positionen, Kontexte, Wirkungslinien,” Politische Vierteljahresschrift, 39/3 (1998), 503–26, at 511Google Scholar. See also Boldt, “Staat, Recht und Politik,” 20–21.

⁶² Jellinek, AS, 63–4; Kersten, Georg Jellinek, 54–5.

⁶³ Jellinek, Georg, Die Lehre von den Staatenverbindungen (Berlin, 1882), 7 Google Scholar. For a later statement see Jellinek, AS, 550.

⁶⁴ Jellinek, System, 13.

⁶⁵ Ibid., 13, 16.

⁶⁶ Andreas Anter, “Modernität und Ambivalenz in Georg Jellineks Staatsdenken,” in Anter, Die normative Kraft, 37–59, at 38; Kersten, Georg Jellinek, 91.

⁶⁷ Jellinek, System, 14, 19.

⁶⁸ See especially Jellinek, AS, 19–21. Non-Kantian positivists like Laband had, by contrast, preferred to view Rechtswissenschaft on the model of a natural science of causality. Lepsius, “Georg Jellineks Methodenlehre,” 316; Wapler, Werte und das Recht, 176–7.

⁶⁹ Jellinek, AS, 51. See also Jellinek, System, 3, for another (implicit) endorsement of constructivist methods within their limited sphere.

⁷⁰ Jellinek, AS, 138, 17.

⁷¹ See esp. Oliver Lepsius, “Die Zwei-Seiten-Lehre des Staates,” in Anter, Die normative Kraft, 63–88; Lepsius, “Georg Jellineks Methodenlehre,” 329–30; Kersten, Georg Jellinek, 145–69.

⁷² Jellinek, AS, 7–11, 20–21.

⁷³ Jellinek, System, 18–19.

⁷⁴ Jellinek, Staatenverbindungen, 9; Jellinek, AS, 12.

⁷⁵ E.g. Koch, Hans-Joachim, Seminar: Die juristische Methode im Staatsrecht (Frankfurt am Main, 1977), 67 Google Scholar; Korioth, Stefan, “The Shattering of Methods in Late Wilhelmine Germany: Introduction,” in Jacobson, Arthur and Schlink, Bernhard, eds., Weimar: A Jurisprudence of Crisis (Berkeley, CA, 2000), 41–50 Google Scholar, at 45. Kersten, Georg Jellinek, 95, rightly notes the strangeness of this conventional wisdom given Jellinek's clear attempts to show connections between the legal and social aspects of the state.

⁷⁶ An especially clear statement is Jellinek, Staatenverbindungen, 9–11.

⁷⁷ Jellinek, “Die Klassifikation des Unrechts,” 122–5; Jellinek, System, 18; Jellinek, AS, 12, 122–5; Jellinek, Verfassungsänderung, 31. This meant that state law could not consist of a purely conceptual account of the order of legal norms without input from “outside.” Schönberger, Parlament, 210–11. See also Lepsius, “Zwei-Seiten-Lehre,” 73–5.

⁷⁸ Jellinek, Verfassungsänderung, v.

⁷⁹ Here it may be useful to draw an analogy to the widespread model of a “core” of certainty and “penumbra” of uncertainty in the law later evolved by Hart, H. L. A., e.g. in his Essays in Jurisprudence and Philosophy (Oxford, 1983), 62–72 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, although Jellinek's and Hart's specific views, of course, differ.

⁸⁰ Sinzheimer rightly differentiated Jellinek from other positivists on this front. Sinzheimer, Hugo, Jüdische Klassiker der deutschen Rechtswissenschaft (Amsterdam, 1938), 210–11Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Jellinek, AS, 353.

⁸² Jellinek, GV, 297, 300; Jellinek, “Der Kampf des alten,” 393–5; Verfassungsänderung, 43 ff.; Jellinek, AS, 353, 359 and chap. 9.

⁸³ Jellinek, AS, 356–8, 619–20: in contrast, judicial lawmaking was not possible in constitutional law for Jellinek because he rejected judicial review of legislation for constitutionality, making constitutional “gaps” even more serious.

⁸⁴ Jellinek, GV, 300; Jellinek, “Die Politik des Absolutismus und die des Radikalismus,” in Jellinek, ASR 2: 3–22, at 22; Jellinek, AS, chap. 14.

⁸⁵ Jellinek, AS, 368–9, 475–7, 481.

⁸⁶ Caldwell, Popular Sovereignty, 42, has aptly termed this problem “Jellinek's paradox.”

⁸⁷ For this argument, first made in 1880, see Jellinek, System, 10; Jellinek, AS, 478; Keller, “Victor Ehrenberg und Georg Jellinek,” 56; Anter, “Modernität und Ambivalenz,” 47–50; and Christoph Schönberger, “Ein Liberaler zwischen Staatswille und Volkswille,” in Paulson and Schulte, Georg Jellinek, 3–32, at 20–21, and the sources cited there.

⁸⁸ Jellinek, AS, 369–74, 616, with earlier hints in Jellinek, GV, 262–76. See the analysis in Caldwell, Popular Sovereignty, 42–3, Kelly, State of the Political, 98–9, and Boldt, “Staat, Recht und Politik,” 23–5. Jellinek was well aware that such circumstances, interests, and powers were constantly changing; see e.g. Jellinek, AS, 257.

⁸⁹ Jellinek, “Der Kampf des alten,” 416–18, 421.

⁹⁰ Jellinek, Verfassungsänderung, 8–9, 21.

⁹¹ Ibid., esp. 8–46. For Max Weber's praise of this work and interest in the problem of connecting the legal and political “sides” see Weber to Jellinek, 27 Aug. 1906, in Briefe 1906–1908, in Max Weber Gesamtausgabe, ed. M. Rainer Lepsius and Wolfgang Mommsen, section II, vol. 5 (Tübingen, 1990), 149. Although he found Jellinek's approach to the study of politics too formalist and legalistic (Weber to Alfred Weber, 22 May 1907, in ibid., 311), Weber was actively interested in Jellinek's attempts in 1909 to gain funding from Andrew Carnegie for a German–American institute for comparative politics in Heidelberg, which would have been devoted to such political foundations of Staatsrecht. Weber was willing to participate provided that the institute emphasized studies of the sociopolitical rather than the legal “side” of the state. See Weber's letters to Jellinek of July, August, and September 1909 in Briefe 1909–1910, in Max Weber Gesamtausgabe, ed. M. Rainer Lepsius and Wolfgang Mommsen, section II, vol. 6 (Tübingen, 1994), 179 ff. Weber was also engaged enough with Jellinek's work to write a review of one of the latter's essays as late as 1909, which appears to have been lost prior to publication (ibid., 225).

⁹² Korioth, “Shattering of Methods,” 45–6.

⁹³ At a minimum, this would be true of theoretical knowledge of the law, even if application to concrete cases might involve interpretive difficulties or practical considerations going beyond pure science, as noted by Boldt, “Staat, Recht und Politik,” 29.

⁹⁴ Lepsius, “Georg Jellineks Methodenlehre,” 319, suggests that Jellinek treats common purposes as the fulcrum of connection between the normative and the factual in the System, and factual agreement among wills in the Allgemeine Staatslehre, but both ideas are present in both works. See e.g. Jellinek, AS, 333; Jellinek, System, 42 ff.

⁹⁵ Jellinek, AS, 337–8.

⁹⁶ Ibid., 338–44.

⁹⁷ Jellinek did not use this label for the doctrine, which appears to have been introduced in the mid-twentieth century, and was later employed by Kersten, Georg Jellinek, 372–5.

⁹⁸ Jellinek, AS, 344–50.

⁹⁹ Ibid., 353 ff., on Jellinek's discussion of the tensions between conservative and progressive tendencies in the law, and the constant change it underwent in response to social changes. For an assessment of how well Jellinek actually employed social-scientific and especially sociological theories to these ends, see Kersten, Georg Jellinek, 151–6; the results are mixed, though this has no necessary bearing on his theory.

¹⁰⁰ Jellinek, AS, 359.

¹⁰¹ Lepsius, “Georg Jellineks Methodenlehre,” 318.

¹⁰² A related criticism is that made by Stefan Korioth, “Shattering of Methods,” 46, who remarks that for Jellinek, “The theory of the law of the state can merely track the success or failure of transformative strivings of political forces,” and must acknowledge irrational political faits accomplis without any normative theory of why it must do so.

¹⁰³ Breuer, “Fachmenschenfreundschaft,” 314–15; Hübinger, “Staatstheorie und Politik als Wissenschaft,” 147; also see e.g. Jellinek, AS, 74–5.

¹⁰⁴ For Kelsen's critique see Stolleis, Geschichte des öffentlichen Rechts, 2: 453; Lepsius, “Zwei-Seiten-Lehre,” 81–2; Kersten, Georg Jellinek, 169–77.

¹⁰⁵ Caldwell, Popular Sovereignty, chaps. 4–5; Arthur Jacobson and Bernhard Schlink, “Introduction: Constitutional Crisis: The German and American Experience,” in Jacobson and Schlink, Weimar, 1–39, at 16–17.

¹⁰⁶ Picardi, Eva, “Sigwart, Husserl, and Frege on Truth and Logic,” European Journal of Philosophy, 5/2 (1997), 162–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; even Carl Schmitt, who ultimately emphasized the “factual,” political side of the state against Kelsen's “normative” side, attempted to employ a dialectical approach. McCormick, John, Carl Schmitt's Critique of Liberalism (Cambridge, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ As Wapler, Werte und das Recht, 171–3, observes, noting that neither Windelband nor Rickert joined Kelsen in assuming this.

¹⁰⁸ Anter, “Modernität und Ambivalenz,” 42, calls attention to his “Calvinistically stringent ideal of science,” and self-discipline bordering on asceticism, and points to Jellinek's various rejections of political passion in favor of calm scientific analysis from 1885 to his death.

¹⁰⁹ Radbruch, Gustav, untitled review essay (1911), reprinted in Gustav Radbruch Gesamtausgabe, ed. Kaufmann, Arthur, vol. 16 (Heidelberg, 1988), 21–4, at 22 Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ Jellinek, Georg, “Die deutsche Philosophie,” in Jellinek, ASR 1: 55–68 Google Scholar, at 65–6.

¹¹¹ Kempter, Die Jellineks, 246–53; 324–32.

¹¹² Ibid., 339–48.

¹¹³ Jellinek recounted the conversation to Ludwig Felix, 5 June 1893, in NL Jellinek 1136/43 (reprinted with deletions in Camilla Jellinek, Lebensbild).

¹¹⁴ Jellinek to Ehrenberg, 29 Dec. 1901, in Briefwechsel, 419; and Paul Hensel to Jellinek, 20 Dec. 1901, in NL Jellinek 1136/11. See also Kempter, Die Jellineks, 334.

¹¹⁵ Kempter, Die Jellineks, 241, 245.

¹¹⁶ Jellinek, Verfassungsänderung, 44; also vi.

¹¹⁷ Jellinek, “Der Kampf des alten,” 423.

¹¹⁸ Jellinek, System, 11–12.

¹¹⁹ Jellinek, “Der Kampf des alten,” 424–5.

¹²⁰ Ibid., 425.

¹²¹ Ibid.

¹²² Sinzheimer, Jüdische Klassiker, 228, points to Jellinek's use of historical appropriateness and “world history as judge” to suggest which self-contained Weltanschauungen might be most appropriate, though he leaves the mistaken impression that Jellinek regarded the judgments of world history as more definitive—oriented toward real, inevitable “progress”—than in fact he did. Other scholars, too, see in Jellinek a vision of “assured evolutionary progress” with little sense of historical contingency (Ghosh, “Max Weber and Georg Jellinek,” 329–30, 334). They are right that Jellinek believed in progress, but as a hope and ideal and not as an inevitability: he was quite clear that any attempts to see change as teleological development were speculative and made no claims to scientific status even if such speculations were difficult to eliminate entirely (Jellinek, AS, 7, 42–3, 262–3).

¹²³ Jellinek, “Der Kampf des alten,” 426.

¹²⁴ Jellinek, “Grossherzog Friedrich,” 385–6.

¹²⁵ Jellinek, AS, 74.

¹²⁶ Jellinek, “Grossherzog Friedrich,” 381.

¹²⁷ Kempter, Die Jellineks, 325, 330.

¹²⁸ Jellinek, “Grossherzog Friedrich,” 386.

¹²⁹ Jellinek, “Ansprache des Prorektors in Frankfurt am Main bei der Eröffnung des Museums der Senckenbergischen Naturforschenden Gesellschaft,” 13 Oct. 1907, in Jellinek, ASR 1: 359–61, at 360. Jellinek always included science alongside the economy as areas that could not be directed by a single, planning will, even though he took note of the ability of the state and other associations to further or hinder it, e.g. in Jellinek, AS, 4.

¹³⁰ Jellinek, System, vi.

¹³¹ Jellinek, AS, xvi.

¹³² See, e.g., Radbruch, untitled review essay, 22, for this characterization; but see also note 122 above for Jellinek's recognition that “progress” was a speculative ideal.

¹³³ For remarks on his hopes for such conflicts leading to moral development in history, see Jellinek, “Der Kampf des alten,” 427.