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THE CULTURE OF VIENNESE SCIENCE AND THE RIDDLE OF AUSTRIAN LIBERALISM*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  01 August 2009

MALACHI HAIM HACOHEN*
Affiliation:
Department of History, Duke University E-mail: mhacohen@duke.edu

Extract

Vienna's scientific culture has long attracted historians' attention. Impressive though the scientific accomplishments of Viennese scientists were, and recognized by numerous Nobel prizes, they alone do not account for the historians' interest. Rather, Vienna's culture of science was imbedded in broader humanistic visions and invested in political and educational projects of major historical significance. Viennese philosophy placed humanity's hopes in science and articulated its historical ramifications to the public, drawing out the political implications of competing scientific methodologies and tying them to dramatic historical events. This philosophy of science still reverberates nowadays in debates on liberty, markets, and government that quickly reveal their underpinning in the methodology of science. Vienna's scientific culture, it seems, has never ceased to capture the imagination, far beyond Austria.

Type
Essays
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2009

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References

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13 Steven Beller, editor of Rethinking Vienna 1900, a volume assessing the Schorskean paradigm, disagrees (esp. 11–20).

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17 John Beatty has written (email to author, 29 Sept. 2008): “Probabilistic laws do not really solve problems of determinism vs. freedom . . . If alleged laws of societal development, or the course of human history, were probabilistic, one might still feel very uncomfortable about the odds of things turning out for the worse.” Indeed. After World War I, the Exners felt exceedingly uncomfortable about the odds. But the problem continued to be debated in these terms at least throughout the interwar years.

18 The episode is recounted in detail in Michael Stoeltzner, “Franz Serafin Exner's Indeterminist Theory of Culture”, Physics in Perspective 4 (2002), 267–319. Responding to German historical relativism and determinism, Exner sought to rescue a glimmer of hope for liberal culture.

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21 Coen uses Friedrich Adler (1879–1960), son of Victor, the founder of Austrian Social democracy, and Bettina Gomperz (1879–1948), daughter of the famous liberal classicist Theodor, as examples of a generational rebellion. They rebelled but they do not belong in the Exner story. Neither became Nazi (both were full Jews under Nazi racial laws); Bettina was not even a nationalist (from World War I on, she lived in Switzerland). Adler served until 1946 as secretary of the Socialist International and went into exile in the US during World War II. Bettina's oldest brother, philosopher Heinrich Gomperz (1873–1942), would have served Coen better to illustrate the transition from liberal parents to nationalist children. One of the few diehard Jewish Pan-Germans, he refused the to join, in 1934, Dollfuß's Vaterländische Front (Fatherland Front) on account of its opposition to German unification. He was retired from his Vienna professorship, and, from his US exile, he endorsed the Anschluß. His brother Rudolf Gomperz died in a concentration camp in 1942. Rudolf declared his two sons illegitimate to protect them under racial laws. Both became Nazi and at least one served in the Waffen-SS. The Gomperzs encapsulate the ironies of Jewish Austro-German liberalism. The Exners look conventional by comparison. Rossbacher, Literatur und Bürgertum, 533–84.

22 Popper, The Open Society, 2: 48. For Arendt see Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Publishers, 1958), 267–302: “The Decline of the Nation-State and the End of the Rights of Man.”

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28 Victor Adler (1852–1918) was the leader of Austrian Social Democracy.