¹ Far Eastern Economic Review (2 July 1976), p. 20.Google Scholar

² See e.g. p. 485 of Domes, Jürgen, The “Gang of Four” and Hua Kuo-feng: Analysis of Political Events in 1975–76’, China Quarterly, 71, pp. 473–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³ I am indebted for this information to Tony Saich.

⁴ See Religion in the People's Republic of China, Documentation 5 (May 1981), pp. 37, 47–9.Google Scholar

⁵ See the English-language booklet ‘Mahikari’ (n.p., n.d.), p. 28, and cf. Strickman, , p. 215 and n. 395, p. 275.Google Scholar

⁶ Translated into English as China and the Search for Happiness (New York, 1971).Google Scholar

⁷ ‘Time and Eastern Man’, reprinted in The Grand Titration (London, 1969), pp. 218–98.Google ScholarPubMed

⁸ For example, the progressive Three Ages conception of history espoused by Ho Hsiu (129–82), described by Needham, on pp. 261–2Google Scholar (see preceding note), is explained by Inaba Ichirō as an ideological exercise on behalf of the Han dynasty under which Ho lived. See his ‘Shunjū Kōyōden no rekishi tetsugaku’, Shirin, 50.3 (April 1967), pp. 64–109Google Scholar, and note especially his contention (n. 11, p. 75) that the interpretation of the Three Ages as expressing an idea of progress in the Western sense does not antedate Western influence in the nineteenth century.

⁹ See e.g. p. 189b of de la Vallée Poussin, L., ‘Ages of the World (Buddhist)’, in Hastings, J. (ed.), Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, vol. I (Edinburgh, 1908), pp. 187–90.Google Scholar

¹⁰ See Bauer, , Search for Happiness, pp. 15–16, 22–3, and n. 44, pp. 429–30Google Scholar; Modern Asian Studies, 12.2 (April 1978), p. 340, n. 36.Google Scholar

¹¹ On Hsi-wang Mu, see Loewe, M. A. N., Ways to Paradise (London, 1979), pp. 98–101Google Scholar; on the Yellow Turbans see Needham, , ‘Time and Eastern Man’, pp. 262–3 and the works cited there.Google Scholar

¹² Cf. the observations of Stanley Weinstein on p. 274 of Wright, A. F. and Twitchett, D. C. (eds), Perspectives on the Tang (New Haven and London, 1973), and also Yü, p. 139.Google Scholar

¹³ Note the opening words of the Mo-ho chih-kuan, one of the principal texts of the school, as reprinted in Taishō shinshū Daizōkyō, vol. 46, p. 1.Google Scholar

¹⁴ See e.g. Suzuki, D. T., Studies in the Lankavatara Sutra (London, 1930), p. 57, quoting a preface dated 1085.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Though it does provide a better introduction to Hua-yen ideas than the work mentioned in its preface. See for a more detailed review of Cook's approach to Hua-yen thought Unno, T., in Journal of Asian Studies, 38.1 (1978), pp. 163–5.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Cook cites Kamata's Chūgoku Bukkyō shisōshi kenkyū (Tokyo, 1968), pp. 313–14, 349–50, 272–4, 279.Google Scholar See n. 5 on p. 263 for some references to earlier Japanese work in this area, and also pp. 279–87.

¹⁷ Note the remarks of Terada Tōru in the Nihon Shisō Taikei edition of Dōgen, vol. II, p. 550.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Han-shan ta-shih meng-yu ch'üan-chi, 32, p. 33b, in the edition of Dainihon zoku zōkyō, 2A 32/3.Google Scholar

¹⁹ E.g. ibid., 6, p. 141b; 20, p. 248a. This aspect of Te-ch'ing's thought would not appear to be treated in the existing secondary literature on him.

²⁰ ibid., 50, pp. 456b, 465b; 52, p. 470a.

²¹ ibid., 27, pp. 298a, 300a, 301b; 28, pp. 305a, 307b.

²² ibid., 14, p. 198a.

²³ This text was printed in 1653 as part of the ‘Ching-shan’ canon, and is available in reproduction in the series Chung-hua la-tsang-ching, series 2 (Taipei, 1968), vol. 79. The preface, by Ou-i Chih-hsü, gives some details concerning Pao's interests and friendships.Google Scholar

²⁴ T'ien-yüeh ming-k'ung chi, 1.23b–25a.

²⁵ ibid., 2.12b, 13a.

²⁶ ibid., 1.25b–26a.

²⁷ These similarities did not go unobserved, leading some critics to assert that Confucianism had simply borrowed the idea of an orthodox line from Ch'an. But the origins of the concept in Confucianism, as I hope to show in a forthcoming study of Buddhist influence on T'ang Confucianism, must be sought in a slightly different quarter.

²⁸ Han-shan ta-shih meng-yu ch'uan-chi, 27, p. 298a.Google Scholar

²⁹ Tzu-po tsun-che ch'üan-chi, 7, p. 378a and 13, p. 432a, in the edition of Dainihon zoku zōkyō, 2A 31/4. Both of these would appear to be merely passing references.

³⁰ I have only found one reference to the decline of Buddhism (not explicitly to mo-fa) amongst the Buddhist works in his Fm-shu, 4 (Peking, 1975), p. 166.Google Scholar

³¹ On the Confucianization of Buddhism note the source quoted by Yü, p. 170, and cf. the recent study of Pi-lai, Chang, Hung-lou jo-ying (Shanghai, 1979), pp. 52–81, 112–16.Google Scholar

³² T'ien-yüeh ming-k'ung chi, 3·9a.

³³ Bauer, , Search for Happiness, pp. 256–7Google Scholar; Mu, Ch'ien, Chung-kuo chin san-pai-nien hsüeh-shu shih (Shanghai, 1948), pp. 552–3.Google Scholar

³⁴ Though existing secondary studies on Kung and Buddhism have approached the topic in a way which ignores this.

³⁵ See his Kung Tzu-chen ch'üan-chi (Shanghai, 1975), p. 392; pp. 458, 577, etc.Google Scholar

³⁶ Ibid., p. 512 (I-hai tsa-shih, no. 39), p. 578.

³⁷ ibid., p. 564, and cf. Mizuho, Sawada, Kōchū Haja Shōben (Tokyo, 1972), p. 67.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ibid., pp. 445, 518 (I-hai tsa-shih, no. 98), 524 (I-hai tsa-shih, no. 151).

³⁹ But note that his work contains apparent prophecies of doom even at a stage when Kung should have been looking forward to a successful career. Cf. Wong, Shirleen S., Kung Tzu-chen (Boston, 1975), p. 28.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Curwen, C. A., Taiping Rebel (Cambridge, 1977).Google Scholar

⁴¹ Faure, David, ‘Secret Societies, Heretic Sects and Peasant Rebellions in Nineteenth Century China’, Journal of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, 5.1 (1979), pp. 189–206.Google Scholar

⁴² The former two-volume collection (henceafter KYCS), edited by a research team in Ch'ing history at Chung-kuo jen-min ta-hsüeh, was published in Peking in 1979; the latter work (hereafter PCCT), of which only the first and second of the other volumes would appear to be available at the time of writing, is edited by a similar research team at the Academy of Social Sciences, and published in Soochow: volume 5 appeared in 1981.

⁴³ Chuang, ‘Ch'ing Shih-tsung chin-chiao k'ao’, Ta-lu tsa-chih, 62.6 (07, 1981), pp. 26–36. Hereafter Chuang, 1981.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ PCCT, pp. 32, 41.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ PCCT, pp. 28, 115.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ PCCT, p. 151.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Chüsei, Suzuki, Chügokushi ni okeru kakumei to shükyö (Tokyo, 1974), pp. 129–30.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ KYCS, p. 696.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ ‘Worshipers and Warriors: White Lotus Influence on the Nian Rebellion’, Modern China, 2.1 (01, 1976), pp. 4–22.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Cf. Prip-Møller, J., Chinese Buddhist Monasteries (second edn, Hong Kong, 1967), pp. 16–20.Google Scholar

⁵¹ On this revolt see Overmyer, D. L., Folk Buddhist Religion (Harvard U.P., 1976), pp. 120–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and KYCS, pp. 648–53.Google Scholar

⁵² See e.g. Overmyer, D. L., ‘Boatmen and Buddhas’, History of Religions, 17.3–4 (02–05, 1978), pp. 284–302.Google Scholar

⁵³ KYCS, pp. 640–8.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ KYCS, pp. 641, 647; p. 644.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ KYCS, p. 645.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ ‘Ts'ung Kuo-li ku-kung Po-wu-yüan tien tsang Ch'ing-tai tang-an t'an T'ien-ti Hui ti yüan-liu’, Ku-kung chi-k'an, 14.4 (Summer, 1980), pp. 63–91.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ See the remarks of M. Strickmann on pp. 243–8 of Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 40.1 (1980).

⁵⁸ Note that one leader of the West China uprising is described as Cantonese (PCCT, p. 50), though it is unclear whether he brought his beliefs from his native province.

⁵⁹ Cf. her remarks in Millenarian Rebellion in China (Yale U.P., 1976), pp. 49–53.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Chuang, , 1981, p. 31Google Scholar; cf. Naquin, , Millenarian Rebellion, pp. 48–9.Google Scholar

⁶¹ See in particular Chuang, , 1981, pp. 27–8, 30.Google Scholar

⁶² Chuang, , 1981, p. 27Google Scholar; cf. Modern Asian Studies 12.2 (04, 1978), p. 337 at n. 14.Google Scholar

⁶³ KYCS, p. 722.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ KYCS, pp. 657–8; p. 664.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ KYCS, p. 688.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Chuang, , 1981, p. 32. Paying a fee in return for initiation into a scriptural tradition was a practice with good antecedents in Six Dynasties Taoism.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Chuang, , 1981, p. 31Google Scholar; PCCT, pp. 10, 12, 23, 24, 38, 50 etc.Google Scholar, Naquin, , Millenarian Rebellion, p. 49.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Chuang, , 1981, p. 28Google Scholar; PCCT, p. 88Google Scholar, Naquin, , Millenarian Rebellion, p. 49.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ PCCT, pp. 1,5.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ PCCT, pp. 21, 113; p. 103.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Chuang, , 1981, p. 30.Google Scholar

⁷² Ibid., p. 27.

⁷³ PCCT, pp. 67, 108; 98, 106.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ PCCT, p. 106.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Cf. the extended discussion in Curwen, , Taiping Rebel, pp. 54–7, for an examination of possible factors influencing the production of a written deposition.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ PCCT, p. 103.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ PCCT, p. 108.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Wei-ming, Chiang, Ch'uan-Hu-Shan Pai-lien Mao ch'i-i tzu-liao chi-lu (Chengtu, 1980), p. 36.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ KYCS, p. 631.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ KYCS, p. 634.Google Scholar

⁸¹ PCCT, 113.Google Scholar

⁸² PCCT, pp. 46–7.Google Scholar

⁸³ See especially PCCT, p. 37, and pp. 51, 57–8, etc.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Chiang, , Ch'uan-Hu-Shan Pai-lien chiao, pp. 76, 96Google Scholar; PCCT, p. 60.Google Scholar