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The Cosmopolitan Moment in Colonial Modernity: The Bahá’í faith, spiritual networks, and universalist movements in early twentieth-century China

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 December 2019

ZHAOYUAN WAN
Affiliation:
Beijing Normal University Email: wanzy9@163.com
DAVID A. PALMER
Affiliation:
University of Hong Kong Email: palmer19@hku.hk

Abstract

This article outlines the spread of the Bahá’í religion—known in Chinese as Datong jiao 大同教)— as a form of religious cosmopolitanism in Republican China (1912–1949). Originating in Iran, its spread to China can be traced to links with the Ottoman empire, British Palestine, the United States, and Japan. By tracking the individuals, connections, and events through which knowledge of the Bahá’í movement spread in China, our study reveals an overlapping nexus of networks—intellectual reformers, liberal Christians, Esperantists, Confucian modernizers, redemptive society activists, and socialists—that shared cosmopolitan ideals. The Bahá’í connections thus serve as a thread that reveals the influence of a unique ‘cosmopolitan moment’ in Republican China, hitherto largely ignored in the scholarly literature on this period, which has focused primarily on the growth of modern Chinese nationalism. Leading nationalist figures endorsed these movements at a specific juncture of Asian colonial modernity, showing that nationalism and cosmopolitanism were seen as expressions of the same ideal of a world community. We argue that the sociology of cosmopolitanism should attend to non-secular and non-state movements that advocated utopian visions of cosmopolitanism, map the circulations that form the nexus of such groups, and identify the contextual dynamics that produce ‘cosmopolitan moments’ at specific historical junctures and locations.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2019

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Footnotes

We wish to thank William Hui, Harry Lloyd, Alex Murray, Mina Fazel, Moojan Momen, Martha Schwartz, and Nazila Ghanea, as well as the two anonymous reviewers, for their invaluable comments on earlier drafts of this article. We would also like to acknowledge the seminal research of Professor Cai Degui, which laid the foundation upon which this article builds.

References

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37 The proposed Congress of Religions in Shanghai did not materialize, due to the worsening situation brought about by the First World War.

38 International Institute, ‘Benefits of the Bahai Movement’. We are grateful to Cai Degui, Allen Amrollah Hemmat, and Zhou Xiayi for the discovery of ‘Abdu'l-Bahá’s original letter in Persian to Gilbert Reid at Hamilton College.

39 Gilbert Reid [李佳白], ‘Lun Bohaihui zhi jingshen yu zuoyong 論波海會之精神與作用 [On the Spirit and Benefits of the Bahá’í Society]’, Dongfang zazhi 東方雜志 [Eastern Miscellany] 12, no. 5 (1915), pp. 5–7.

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47 Hai An Chen, ‘Constitution and By-Laws of the Pan-Asiatic League [Chicago]’, circa 1916, US National Bahá’í Archives.

48 Hai An Chen, ‘[Letter to] My Dear Earnest’, 4 May 1916. See also Figure 2.

49 ‘Cosmopolitan Club, 1916’, University of Chicago Centennial Exhibition Catalogues, https://www.lib.uchicago.edu/projects/centcat/quad/quad_img50.html, [accessed 25 October 2019]; Hai An Chen, ‘[Letter to] My Dear Earnest’, 12 May 1916, US National Bahá’í Archives.

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52 We are grateful to Robert Stockman, Edward Sevcik, and Vargha Mazlum for helping to secure these and other primary materials concerning Chen Hai An.

53 Hai An Chen, ‘[Letter to] My Dear Earnest’, undated, US National Bahá’í Archives.

54 Alumni Council, Alumni Directory, p. 64.

55 Bahá’í World Centre, ‘A Chronology of Some Major Events in the History of the Bahá’í Faith in China’, unpublished document, 1990, p. 2.

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57 The Chinese characters for the name of Chen Ting Mo have yet to be identified. Chen Ting Mo was referred to as a Chinese believer who became a Bahá’í in the United States before returning to Shanghai. As it was a common practice for educated Chinese men to have two names, one given and one literary, we may speculate that Chen Ting Mo was the same person as Chen Hai An.

58 Bahá’í World Centre, ‘A Chronology’, p. 3. ‘Abdu'l-Bahá’s letter in Arabic is available in Eshraq-Khavari, Abdulhamid, Muhádirát, Vol. III, (ed.) Rafati, Vahid (Holfheim-Germany: Bahá’í-Verlag, 2009), p. 299Google Scholar. We are grateful to Allen Amrollah Hemmat for his provisional English translation of the letter.

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61 For a sociological account of the Esperanto Movement, see Forster, Peter G., The Esperanto Movement (The Hague: Mouton Publishers, 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

62 Esslemont, John E., Baháʼu'lláh and the New Era (Wilmette, IL: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1980), pp. 165–66Google Scholar. For a general introduction on the Bahá’í Faith and Esperanto, see B. E. L., ‘The Bahá’í Faith and Esperanto’, The Bahá’í Esperanto League, http://www.bahaaeligo.bahai.de/angla/englisch.htm, [accessed 25 October 2019].

63 Peter Smith, ‘Zemenhof, Lidia (1904–42)’, in A Concise Encyclopedia.

64 On the spread of Esperanto and its intellectual impact in China and Japan, see Lins, Ulrich, ‘Esperanto as Language and Idea in China and Japan’, Language Problems and Language Planning 32, no. 1 (2008), pp. 4760CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Benton, Gregor, Chinese Migrants and Internationalism: Forgotten Histories, 1917–1945 (London: Routledge, 2011; 1st edn), pp. 98114Google Scholar.

65 ‘Pan-Asianism’ is sometimes known as the ‘Pan-Asiatic League’ as well in English literature. For more on the subject, see Szpilman, Christopher W. A. and Saaler, Sven, ‘Pan-Asianism as an Ideal of Asian Identity and Solidarity, 1850–Present’, The Asia-Pacific Journal 9, no. 17 (2011), pp. 130Google Scholar.

66 Peter Smith, ‘Alexander, Agnes Baldwin (1875–1971)’, in A Concise Encyclopedia.

67 In 1912, Japan had 26 Esperanto groups, a number that would increase to 181 in 1926, second to none in Asia. See Forster, The Esperanto Movement, p. 22.

68 For a recent and informed account of his life, see Julija Patlanj, ‘Vasilii Yakovlevich Eroshenko’, (trans.) David Pardue, 2005, https://zh.scribd.com/document/44318129/Vasilii-Yakovlevich-Eroshenko-1890-1952, [accessed 28 October 2019].

69 Alexander, Agnes, History of the Bahá’í Faith in Japan, 1914–1938, (ed.) Sims, Barbara (Osaka: Bahá’í Publishing Trust of Japan, 1977), p. 20Google Scholar, http://bahai-library.com/alexander_history_bahai_japan, [accessed 25 October 2019].

70 Ibid., p. 21; Ujaku, Akita 秋田雨雀, ‘Yi Ailuoxianke 憶愛羅先珂 [Recollections of Eroshenko]’, (trans.) Sheng, Qi 齊生, Mangzhong 芒種 [Bearded Grain] 2, no. 1 (1935), pp. 1921Google Scholar.

71 Garis, Mabel, Martha Root: Lioness at the Threshold (Wilmette, IL: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, 1983), p. 165Google Scholar. Given this international context, it was probably due to suspicions of the same political nature that the Shanghai police investigated Chen Ting Mo's ‘Bahai Movement Esperanto’ mentioned earlier.

72 Zuoren, Zhou 周作人, ‘You Riben xincun ji 遊日本新村記 [On Visiting the Japanese New Village]’, Xinchao 新潮 [The Renaissance] 2, no. 76–80 (1920)Google Scholar.

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76 ‘Abdu'l-Bahá, China is the Country of the Future’, Star of the West 13, no. 3 (1917), p. 37Google Scholar.

77 Garis, Martha Root, p. 165.

78 Ibid., p. 170.

79 Martha Root, ‘Circular Letter to Friends in the United States’, 20 May 1923, US National Bahá’í Archives.

80 Garis, Martha Root, pp. 168, 171.

81 Ibid., pp. 98, 109, 124, 165–66.

82 See Zhiping, Hou 候志平, Shijieyu zai zhongguo 世界語運動在中國 [Esperanto Movement in China] (Beijing: Zhongguo shijieyu chubanshe, 1985), pp. 120Google Scholar; Forster, The Esperanto Movement, p. 24.

83 Hou, Shijieyu zai zhongguo, p. 4.

84 Cf. Lins, ‘Esperanto as Language and Idea’.

85 Seow, Jimmy, The Pure in Heart: The Historical Development of the Baháʼi Faith in China, Southeast Asia and Far East (Mona Vale: Bahá’í Publications Australia, 1991), p. 32Google Scholar; see also Alexander, The Bahá’í Faith in Japan, p. 59.

86 PSJ, ‘News from Central China’, The China Weekly Review, 22 March 1924; cf. Hou, Shijieyu zai zhongguo, p. 31.

87 Cf. reports in Shen Bao 申報 [Shanghai News], 20 August 1912, 3 March 1917, 17 March 1920, and 14 April 1920.

88 Chang Zhi 暢之, ‘Tongyi shijie tongjiao zhi dayundong 同一世界宗教之大運動 [The Great Movement to Unite all Religions]’, Shen Bao, 17 December 1922, sec. 19.

89 Broomhall, Marshall, Marshall Feng: A Good Soldier of Christ Jesus (London: China Inland Mission, 1924; 6th edn), p. 68Google Scholar; Sheridan, James E., Chinese Warlord: The Career of Feng Yü-Hsiang (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1966), p. 122Google Scholar.

90 Alexander, The Bahá’í Faith in Japan, p. 59.

91 Ibid., p. 55.

92 Ibid., p. 59; cf. Garis, Martha Root, p. 172.

93 Alexander, The Bahá'í Faith in Japan, p. 59.

94 Bahajiao zhi xuanchuanzhe 巴哈教之宣傳者 [The Advocate of the Bahá’í Movement]’, Guoji gongbao 國際公報 [The International Journal] 2, no. 7 (1924), pp. 4243Google Scholar.

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96 Daily, Swastika (卍字報), ‘Shijie zongjiao datonghui chengli zhi sheng 世界宗教大同會成立誌’, Guoji gongbao 2, no. 28 (1923), pp. 5152Google Scholar.

97 We are grateful to Dr Chen Jinguo 陳進國 of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences for identifying the Chinese characters of Deng's name.

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100 Martha Root, ‘Circular Letter to Friends in the United States’, 19 March 1924, p. 5, US National Bahá’í Archives.

101 Ibid., p. 5; Garis, Martha Root, pp. 176, 185; Seow, The Pure in Heart, p. 33.

102 Qiu, ‘Deng Jiemin shengping’, pp. 26–27, Deng, ‘Xianyan Deng Jiemin shilue’, M23–24.

103 For a detailed early report on Tagore and his university, see Lu, Hua 化魯, ‘Taigeer de Dongxi wenhua lianhe yundong 臺莪爾東西文化聯閤運動 [Tagore's Movement to Unify Eastern and Western Civilizations]’, Dongfang Zazhi 20, no. 2 (1923)Google Scholar.

104 Qiu, ‘Deng Jiemin shengping’. Chen Jinguo is currently investigating further links between Li Dazhao, the Bahá’ís, and the International University.

105 Deng, ‘Xianyan Deng Jiemin shilue’; Tang, Zhen Yesu jiaohui lishi shiji kao.

106 Jinguo, Chen, ‘Bahayi jiao (Datong jiao) zai Taiwan zaoqi de chuanjiao huodong 巴哈伊教(大同教)在臺灣早期的傳教活動 [The Early Teaching Activities of the Bahá’í Faith in Taiwan]’, Taiwan zongjiaoxuehui tongxun 臺灣宗教學會通訊 [Journal of the Taiwan Society for Religious Studies] no. 8 (2001), pp. 5569Google Scholar.

107 Alexander, The Bahá’í Faith in Japan, p. 60.

108 For more on Kong, see Shichun, Wang 汪士淳, Ruzhe xing: Kong Decheng xiansheng zhuan 儒者行:孔德成先生傳 [The Journey of a Confucian: A Biography of Kong Decheng] (Taibei: Linking Publishing, 2013), pp. 4243Google Scholar.

109 Alexander, The Bahá’í Faith in Japan, p. 60.

110 Martha Root, ‘Letter to Roy Wilhelm, Etc.’, 11 January 1924, US National Bahá’í Archives.

111 ‘Bahaijiao xuanchuanzhe Rute nüshi dao hu 巴海敎宣傳者儒特女士到滬 [Bahá’í Teacher Miss Root Arrived in Shanghai]’, Shen Bao, 23 December 1923, sec. 13.

112 ‘Shijieyu tongzhi huanying rute nüshi 世界語同志歡迎儒特女士 [Esperantists Welcomed Miss Root]’, Shen Bao, 11 January 1924, sec. 14; Root, ‘Letter to Roy Wilhelm’.

113 Root, ‘Letter to Roy Wilhelm’.

114 For a historical account of its early history, see Editors of Magazine, Theosophy, The Theosophical Movement 1875–1950 (Los Angeles: The Cunningham Press, 1951), pp. 75, 44Google Scholar.

115 See Garis, Martha Root, pp. 66, 99–101, 106, 124, 140, 163.

116 Besant, Annie, The Theosophist: Oct 1921–Sep 1922, Vol. 43 (Madras: Theosophical Publishing House, 1922), pp. 279–80Google Scholar.

117 Ibid., p. 557.

118 For a good introduction to Wu Tingfang and Theosophy in China, see Zhong Shaner 鐘山兒, ‘Wu Tingfang yu Zhengdaoxue 伍廷芳與證道學在中國的歷史 [Wu Tingfang and the History of Theosophy in China]’, http://theosophyasia.net/pdf/dr_wu_ting_fang_and_a_history_of_the_ts_in_china.pdf, [accessed 12 November 2019].

119 Laura Clifford Dreyfus-Barney, ‘The Way Reopens’, unpublished memoir conserved at the National Bahá’í Archives of France, 1922, p. 156.

120 Root, ‘Letter to Roy Wilhelm’.

121 Kang Youwei, ‘Kongjiaohui xu 孔教會序 [Introduction to the Confucian Association]’, in Kang Youwei quanji, Vol. 9, pp. 343–46; Chen, Huan-Chang, The Economic Principles of Confucius and his School (New York: Longmans, Green and Co., 1911), pp. 347Google Scholar; Zhaoyuan Wan, ‘The Relationship between Science and Religion in Kang Youwei's Confucianism’, PhD thesis, University of Oxford, 2019, pp. 106–51.

122 On redemptive societies and the Daoyuan, see Duara, ‘The Discourse of Civilization’, pp. 117–26; DuBois, Thomas, ‘The Salvation of Religion? Public Charity and the New Religions of the Early Republic’, Minsu quyi 172 (2011)Google Scholar.

123 Zhongwei, Lu 陸仲偉, Minguo huidaomen 民國會道門 [Sects and Secret Societies in the Republican Era] (Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 2002), pp. 109, 131Google Scholar.

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125 Effendi, Shoghi, God Passes By (Wilmette, IL: Bahá’í Pub. Committee, 1944), p. 289Google Scholar.

126 ‘World Peace: Lecture at Hong Kong University’, South China Morning Post, 25 April 1924.

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128 Alexander, The Bahá’í Faith in Japan, p. 59.

129 For his biography, see Degui, Cai, Qinghua zhifu Cao Yunxiang: Zhuanjipian 清華之父曹雲祥:傳記篇 [The Life of Cao Yunxiang, Founding Father of Tsinghua University] (Xi'an: Shaanxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2011)Google Scholar.

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131 Cited in Alexander, The Bahá’í Faith in Japan, p. 62.

132 Cai, Qinghua zhifu, p. 247.

133 Yunxiang, Cao, Datong jiao zhi zai zhongguo 大同教之在中國 [The Bahá’í Cause in China] (Shanghai: Datong Press, 1932), p. 5Google Scholar.

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135 Yunxiang, Cao, ‘Datong zhuyi yu xinzhongguo 大同主義與新中國 [Universalism and New China]’, Gexin 革心 [Renewing the Heart] no. 4 (1933), pp. 16Google Scholar; cf. Tsao, Y. S., ‘The Bahá’í Cause in China’, The Bahá’í World (1930–1932) IV (1933), pp. 420–24Google Scholar.

136 Gilbert Reid had coined this name in 1917. Following the controversy over the proposal to install Confucianism as China's state religion, which was fiercely opposed by Christians and secularists, Reid proposed instead that the common principles of all religions could be inscribed into China's constitution, without showing partiality to any sect, and that these common teachings be called Datong jiao. See Jiabai, Li [Gilbert Reid], ‘Xianfa shang zongjiao wenti zhi shangque 憲法上宗教問題之商榷 [A Discussion on the Constitutional Question of Religion]’, Shangxiantang jishi 尚賢堂紀事 [The Institute Record] no. 1 (1917), pp. 1012Google Scholar, quoted in Cai Degui, ‘Datong jiao kaolüe 大同教考略 [An Examination of the Datongjiao Name]’, paper presented at the international conference on Bahá’í principles, discourses, and practices on world peace and social development, Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences, 14–15 November 2015.

137 Research Department of the Universal House of Justice, ‘Extracts from the Communications Written by and on Behalf of Shoghi Effendi Regarding Dr. Tsao’, unpublished document communicated to the authors, 25 January 2016, p. 3.

138 Cf. Cao, Datong jiao.

139 Bahá’í World Centre, ‘A Chronology’, p. 6.

140 Tsao, ‘The Bahá’í Cause in China’, p. 424; cf. Cao, Datong jiao, pp. 13–15.

141 Yunxiang, Cao, ‘Datong jiao yu renxin de gaizao 大同教與人心的改造 [The Bahá’í Cause and the Transformation of Human Hearts]’, Ziyou yanlun 自由言論 [Free Speech] no. 6 (1933), pp. 1617Google Scholar.

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146 Bahá’í World Centre, ‘A Chronology’, p. 3. For newspaper coverage on her lectures on the Bahá'í Faith in Shanghai, see, for example, ‘Lady Lectures on Esperanto, Bahá’í Movement’, The China Press, 28 September 1930; ‘Esperanto and Bahaism’, The North-China Herald and Supreme Court and Consular Gazette, 30 September 1930.

147 Root, ‘Chinese culture’, p. 266; see also Garis, Martha Root, p. 362.

148 Root, ‘Chinese culture’, pp. 262–65.

149 Bahá’í World Centre, ‘A Chronology’, p. 5.

150 Zongjiao Heping Dahui 宗教和平大會 [Universal Religious Peace Conference]’, Yunnan Qingzhen Duobao 云南清真铎报 [An Islamic Monthly of Yunnan] no. 7 (1929), pp. 2122Google Scholar.

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