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² The self-strengthening () movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries re-emerged under colonial occupation as a reconstruction () movement. In both instances, ethical beliefs and theories were influential, and ‘ethical nationalism’ may be an appropriate label for the two movements. However, ‘reconstruction’ was to be carried out through self-reliance, thus ‘self-reconstruction nationalism’ is justified, as well as being a more familiar term in modern East Asian history.

³ Alleyne Ireland is one of the few. His book, The New Korea (N.Y., E. P. Dutton, 1926), was based only on the Government-General's English-language Annual Reports, and was an apology for the regime written during its second decade of rule.

⁴ E.g., Chung, Yong Iob, ‘Korean Investment under Japanese Rule’, in Kim, C. I. and Mortimore, Doretha E. (eds), Korea's Response to Japan: The Colonial Period 1910–1945 (Centre for Korean Studies, Kalamazoo, Western Michigan University, 1977).Google Scholar

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⁶ Chang, Yun-sik, ‘Planned Economic Transformation and Population Change,’ in Kim and Mortimore, Korea's Response to Japan, p. 54.Google Scholar

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⁸ Quoted in Chung, Henry, The Case of Korea (N.Y., Fleming H. Revell Co., 1921), pp.110–11.Google Scholar

⁹ Ch'oc Ho-jin, Han'guk kyǒngje sa (An Economic History of Korea) (Seoul, Pak yǒng sa, rev. and enlarged edn, 1981), pp. 220–1; ‘The Oriental Development Company (see note 5) gives a figure of 27,035 acres (10,945 hectares) for 1910. This and the figures given in the text reveal only a portion of the Company's actual activities, for in 1910 also the Company rented a further 18,335 acres from the Government-General.

¹⁰ Chang, , ‘Economic Transformation’, p. 54.Google Scholar

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¹² Hayami, Y., ‘Rice Policy in Japan's Economic Development’, American Journal of Agricultural Economics, 54 (1) (02 1972), pp. 24–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³ Fisher, ‘Role of Korea’, pp. 289–90Google Scholar; Grajdanzev, A. J., Modern Korea (N.Y., John Day Co., 1944), pp. 118ffGoogle Scholar; Joong-Gun, Chung, ‘Japanese Colonial Administration in Korea, 1905–1919’, doctoral dissertation, Claremont Graduate School and University Centre, 1971, p. 163.Google Scholar

¹⁴ The Seoul Press, 30.4.1913.

¹⁵ Dong, Wonmo, ‘Japanese Colonial Policy and Practice in Korea, 1905–1945: A Study in Assimilation’, doctoral dissertation, Georgetown University, 1965, p. 319.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Ho-jin, Ch'oe, Han'guk fyōngje sa, p. 223.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Ibid., p. 224.

¹⁸ Shakai undō no jōkyō: Naimushō keihōkyoku, December 1933: ‘Zairyū Chōsenjin undō’ (Published in Tokyo, Sanichi Shobō, 1971).

¹⁹ Kang, Chul Wong, ‘An Analysis of Japanese Policy and Economic Change in Korea’, in Nahm, Andrew (ed.), Korea Under Japanese Colonial Rule (Centre for Korean Studies, Kalamazoo, Western Michigan University, 1974), p. 80.Google Scholar

²⁰ Chung, Yong lob, ‘Japanese Investment in Korea 1904–1945’, p. 94Google Scholar, and Kang, Chul Won, ‘Japanese Policy’, p. 84, both in Nahm (ed.) (see note 19).Google Scholar

²¹ Chung, Yong Iob, ‘Korean Investment under Japanese Rule’, in Kim and Mortimore, Korea's Response to Japan, pp. 35–6.Google Scholar

²² Daniel S. Juhn, ‘Nationalism and Korean Businessmen’, in Ibid., pp. 49ff.

²³ From Joong-gun Chung's doctoral dissertation (cited in note 13), p. 164.

²⁴ Fisher, , ‘Role of Korea’, p. 289.Google Scholar

²⁵ Shakai undō no jōkyō, 1931: ‘Minzokushugi undō’.

²⁶ Shinhan Minbo (), 28.7.1909.

²⁷ Kwang-rin, Lee, ‘Kaikaki no Kansei chihō to Kaishinkyō’, in Kan, vol. 8, no. 2 (02 1979), pp. 9–10, 20.Google Scholar

²⁸ Kodang Cho Man-sik (Seoul, P'yoǒngnam minbo sa, 1966), p. 103Google Scholar; Kǔn-jo, Han, Kodang Cho Man-sik vol. 12 in series, ‘Widaehan Han'gukin’ (Seoul, T'aegǔk ch'ulp'an sa), p. 156.Google Scholar

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³⁰ Kwang, Tong (), no. 17 (January 1931), p. 43.Google Scholar

³¹ Ibid., loc. cit.

³² Donga Daily (), 17.12.1922.

³³ Ki-jun, Cho, Han'guk Chabonjui Sōngnip Saron (History of the Formation of Korean Capitalism) (Koryǒ University Press, 1973), p. 505.Google Scholar

³⁴ Shakai undō nojōkyō: Naimushō keihōkyoku, 1931: ‘Minzokushugi undō.’

³⁵ Donga Daily, 26.12.1922.

³⁶ Ki-jun, Cho (see note 33), p. 505.Google Scholar

³⁷ Donga Daily, 11.1.1923.

³⁸ Ibid., 22 and 23.1.1923.

³⁹ Shakai undō no jōkyō, loc. cit.

⁴⁰ Donga Daily, 3 and 5.2.1923.

⁴¹ Ibid., 9.2.1923.

⁴² Ibid., 5, 8, 13, 14, 16, 19, 21, 23.2.1923; Sōtokufu kampō, 16.2.1923.

⁴³ Cho Ki-jun (see note 33), p. 511.

⁴⁴ See note 42.

⁴⁵ Donga Daily, 13.2.1923.

⁴⁶ Ibid., 5 and 14.2.1923.

⁴⁷ Ibid., 15.2.1923.

⁴⁸ Ibid., 16 and 18.2.1923.

⁴⁹ Ibid., 16, 17, 18.2.1923.

⁵⁰ Ibid., 16.2.1923

⁵¹ Ibid., 22.2.1923.

⁵² Ki-jun, Cho (see note 33), p. 513.Google Scholar

⁵³ Ibid., p. 514; Journal of the Korean Products Promotion Society (), vol. 1, no. 2 (02 1930), p. 65. (Hereafter: Journal.)Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Journal, vol. 1, no. 2 (02 1930), p. 65.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Ibid.; Ki-jun, Cho (see note 33), pp. 516–17.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Donga Daily, 1.1.1925.

⁵⁷ Cho Ki-jun (see note 33), p. 523.

⁵⁸ Donga Daily, 3, 5, 7, 8.2.1924.

⁵⁹ Quoted in Chin Toǒ;k-kyu, ‘1920 nyǒndae Kuknae minjok undong e kwanhan koch'al,’ in Song Kǒn-ho and Kang Man-kil (eds), Han'guk Minjokjui Ron (Essays on Korean Nationalism) (Seoul, Ch'angjak gwa pipyǒng sa, 1982), p. 148.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Donga daily, 18.2.1923.

⁶¹ Ibid., 20.2.1923.

⁶² Ibid., 21.2.1923.

⁶¹ Ibid., 1.1.1925.

⁶⁴ Ki-jun, Cho (see note 33), p. 521.Google Scholar

⁶⁵ Journal, vol. 1, no. 3 (03 1930), p. 47.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Ibid., vol. 1, no. 5 (May 1930), pp. 40–3.

⁶⁷ Ki-jun, Cho (see note 33), p. 522.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Chosǒn Daily (), 6.4.1928.

⁶⁹ Ki-jun, Cho (see note 33), p. 523.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Journal, Vol. 1, No. 5 (05 1930), pp. 28–31.Google Scholar

⁷¹ Donga Daily, 6.1.1928.

⁷² Journal, Vol. 1, No. 3 (03 1930), p. 50.Google Scholar

⁷³ I mean, for example, the question of what economic factors (depression effects on Japan, China and Korea and on trade; effect of dropping silver or gold standards) may have prompted new interest in the Society. It should be added that the depression hit China and Japan a little later than the West and was probably not a factor in Korea until late 1930.

⁷⁴ In P'yǒngyang: Kyǒngshin Trading Co., Chosǒn Products Trading Co., Ch'a Yun-sǒng Co., Chǒn Chwa-yong Co., Lee Toˇk-hwan Hosiery Factory (Kodang Cho Man-sik, pp. 103 and 107). In Seoul: Kyǒngsǒng Spinning Co., Kyǒngsǒng Weaving Co., Kyǒngsǒng Leatherworks, Chosǒn Paper Co., Choson Cotton Co.; in Taegu: Koryǒ Ceramics; in Mokp'o: an ironworks company. Donga Daily, ‘Chosǒn chingmul hyǒnhwang gwa saengsan chinhuˇng ch'aek,’ 1–16.8.1923.

⁷⁵ Of the 97 major co-operatives (mainly consumer) formed between 1920 and 1932, 83 were established in the final four years, 1929–32. From a survey in Tong Kwang, no. 33 (May 1932), pp. 170–1.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ For an examination of this earlier movement, see Wells, K. M., ‘Civic Morality in the Nationalist Thought of Yun Ch'i-ho, 1881–1911’, in Papers on Far Eastern History (A.N.U.), No. 28 (September 1983), pp. 107–51.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ An Ch'ang-ho, ‘Kaejo’ (), c. 1919, in Chu Yo-han (comp.), Collected Worksof An Ch'ang-ho () (Seoul, Sammin Tang, 1963).

⁷⁸ Han Yong-un, ‘Anguish through Spiritual Poverty’ (), in Donga Daily, 9.1.1923.

⁷⁹ T'ae-hyǒp, Kim, ‘The Spirit of Self-Reliance’ (), Changsan (), vol. 2, no. 3 (03 1931), pp. 8–12.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Kwang-su, Lee, ‘Minjok Kaejoron’, Complete Works of Lee Kwang-su (Seoul, ǔlshin Sa, 1979), vol. 10Google Scholar; Yo-han, Chu, ‘Tongu Hoe Muǒshinga?’, Tong Kwang, no. 36 (08 1932), pp. 36–7.Google Scholar The Donga Daily printed four editorials from 2 to 6 January 1924 under the heading, ‘Minjok ǔi kyǒngryun’ (Rule of the People), which presented the same theme, and was probably written by Lee Kwang-su. See also, Ko, Jun-sǒk (comp.), Chōsen Kakumei te-ze: Rekishiteki bunken to Kaisetsu (Tokyo, Tsugeshobō, 1979), p. 89.Google Scholar

⁸¹ Donga Daily, 26.12.1922.

⁸² Ibid., 12.1.1923.

⁸³ Journal, vol. 1, no. 2 (02 1930), p. 55.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Ibid, vol. 1, no. 2 (February 1930), p. 57.

⁸⁵ Lee Kǔng-no, ‘Chajak Chagǔp ǔi ponǔi,’ in Ibid., vol. 1, no. 2 (February 1930), pp. 12–14.

⁸⁶ E.g., A Reporter, ‘Saengsan t'onggye ro pon Chǒsonin ǔi hyǒnhwang (3)’; Ch'oe Hyǒn-pae, ‘Chosǒn mulsan changnyǒ hoe ǔi immu’; t'ae-hǔi, Sǒl, ‘Chosǒnin sanggongōpjadǒl ege’, in Journal, vol. 1, no.3 (03 1930), pp. 27–33; vol. 1 no. 12 (12 1930), pp. 2–4Google Scholar; and Changsan, vol. 2, no. 3 (03 1931), pp. 2–4.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ T'ae-hǔi, Sǒl, ‘To Korean Traders and Industrialists’ (Chosǒnin Sanggongǒpjadǒl ege), Changsan, vol. 2, no. 3 (03 1931), pp. 2–4.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Kim T'ae-hyǒp (see note 79).

⁸⁹ Government-General of Chōsen: Kei kō hi, no. 8036, ‘Himitsu kessha Chōsen kyōsanto narabini Kōrai kyōsan seinenkaijiken kensha no ken’, 27.10.1928 (published in 1966 by Misuzu Shobō, Tokyo: Gendaishi’ shiryō: Chosen).

⁹⁰ See note 161. His effectiveness is another thing, and has been questioned, e.g. by Kim Kyu-hwan (Ilje ǔi ǒllon sǒnjǒn chǒngch'aek (Seoul I-u Publishing Co., 1978), p. 176), who nevertheless remarks that it was possible to influence the formation of ‘public opinion’ among the masses to quite a large extent through such movements as Cho Man-sik's.

⁹¹ See note 63. Kim was reported as saying there was an average of 2000 members in each of the eight provinces—obviously not a precise figure.

⁹² Unless acknowledged otherwise, these details are gleaned from nationalist journals such as Tong Kwang and the Society's Journal, the Hank'guk Inmyǒng Taesajǒn (Dictionary of Korean People) (Seoul, Shingu Munhwa Sa, 1980); Ki-jun, Cho (see note 33), pp. 506–7Google Scholar, and Tōk-kyu, Chin (see note 59), p. 147.Google Scholar

⁹³ See, for example, T'ae-hui, Sǒl, ‘Hǒnbǒp sǒ-ǒn’, in Teahan Hyǒphoe Hoebo, no. 3, 25.6.1908, pp. 28–31.Google Scholar

⁹⁴ See Wells, , ‘Civic Morality’ (see note 76), pp. 134–6.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Man-yōl, Lee, Hanmal Kidokkyowa minjok undong (Seoul, P'yǒngmin sadang, 1980), p. 128Google Scholar; Kwang-rin, Lee ‘Kaikaha no Kaishinkyǒ kan’, in Kan, vol. 7, no. 11–12 (11–12 1978), p. 38.Google Scholar

⁹⁶ Kongnip shinmum (), 5.7.1907.

⁹⁷ The Seoul Press, 7.10.1910.

⁹⁸ Ūl-han, Kim, Chwaong Yun Ch'i-ho Chǒn (A Biography of Chwaong Yun Ch'i-ho) (Seoul, Ǔlsō Munhwa Sa, 1978), pp. 155–7Google Scholar; Tong Kwang, vol. 2, no. 7 (07 1927), p. 24.Google Scholar

⁹⁹ Bonsal, Stephen, Suitors and Suppliants: The Little Nations at Versailles (published diary, N.Y., Prentice-Hall Inc., 1946), p. 220.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁰ See Wells, K. M., ‘Korean Independence Movements Under Japanese Colonial Rule 1919–1937: A Study in Nationalism’, master's thesis, University of Canterbury, New Zealand, 1979, chs 5 and 6.Google Scholar

¹⁰¹ Suh, Dae-sook, The Korean Communist Movement 1918–1948 (Princeton University Press, 1967), pp. 39–40.Google Scholar See also: Kǔn-il, Ryu, Isǒngǔi Han'gukin Kim Kyu-sik (Seoul, Tongsǒ munhwa sa, 1981), pp. 106–7Google Scholar; Kim, Joungwon A., Divided Korea. The Politics of Development, 1945–1972 (Harvard University Press, Cambridge Mass., 1976), p. 29.Google Scholar

¹⁰² Shakai undō no jōkyō—Naimushō keihōkyoku, 1931: ‘Kyokusa undō jōkyō’.

¹⁰³ Ibid., Naimushō keihōkyoku, 1931: ‘Minzokushugi undō’.

¹⁰⁴ Donga Daily, 13.3.1923.

¹⁰⁵ Quoted in Robinson, Michael E., ‘The Origins and Development of Korean Nationalist Ideology, 1920–1926: Culture, Identity, National Development and Political Schism’, doctoral dissertation, University of Washington, 1979, pp. 243–4.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁶ Ibid., p. 245.

¹⁰⁷ Kodong Cho Man-sik, p. 106.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ Kwang, Tong, no. 29 (January 1932), p. 58.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Cho Man-sik, ‘Kidok ch'ǒngnyǒn ǔi isang’ (Ideals for Christian Youth), in Samch'ǒlli, January 1937. Here Cho comments that the Marxist view that material conditions determine ideals is incomplete, for ideals can be changed very easily by almost anything.

¹¹⁰ ‘Chamyǒl inga, tosaeng inga?’—Donga Daily, 26.4.1923.

¹¹¹ This does seem to conform with Marx's own words: ‘When a society has discovered the natural law that determines its own movement … even then it can neither overleap the natural phases of its evolution, nor shuffle them out of the world by a stroke of the pen.’ Capital, Preface to the First Edition, quoted in Popper, K. R., The Opeen Society and its Enemies, vol. 2 (London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1980), p. 86.Google Scholar

¹¹² ‘Sahoe munje wa mulsan changnyǒ’, Donga Daily, 26 to 29.4.1923.

¹¹³ Namely: 1. real material capacity for class-struggle among the proletariat; 2. the morale and determination necessary to persevere in the struggle; and 3. an internationally favourable situation. The absence of this final condition was blamed for the failure of 1919, and Na believed no improvement was in sight.

¹¹⁴ There is, of course, the very important factor of the Japanese economic superstructure, but treatment of this is beyond the purpose of this paper. Nationalists did consider this factor, of course, when planning their movements, e.g. Kwang, Tong, no. 31 (March 1932), pp. 57–61.Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ See, for example: Letter from SōChae-p'il to Yi Tong-hwi, 24.12.1919, in Tongnip shinmun (), 1.3.1920; Record of the speech delivered by Yi tong-hwi in the Provisional Government, 2.3.1920, in Tongnip shinmun, 6.3.1920; Record of the speech delivered to the Kungmin taep'yohoe (Shanghai) on 12.5.1921, in Tongnip shinmun, 14.5.1921; Sōtokufu feimi Kyoku (Government-General Police Affairs Bureau), Kǒkei no. 1581, 23.5.1922: ‘Kokumin daihyǒkai no keika ni kansuru ken’.

¹¹⁶ An Ch'ang-ho, ‘Ch'ǒngnyǒn ege puch'inǔn kǔl’, written about 1926 in Peking, Collected Works of An Ch'ang-ho. Published in Tong Kwang in December 1926, January 1927 and February 1931.

¹¹⁷ Such articles are too numerous to cite them all, but include Kim Ch'ang-se, ‘Yōngguk ūi saram gwa mal’, Tong Kwang no. 2, June 1926; Lee Sun-t'aek (Society director), ‘Sekaji mugi’ (no. 8, December 1926); Changbaek Sanin (pseudonym), ‘Kaein ǔi saenghwal üi kaehyǒki minjok chǒk palhǒng ǒi kǔnbon ida’ (no. 1, May 1926); Kim Yun-gyǒng, ‘Ingyǒk ǔi hangni chǒk haeǔi’ (no. 4, August 1926); Kim Yun-gyǒng, ‘Mu.shil.yǒk.haeng.shinǔi.yonggi’ (no. 10, February 1927); Kim Kyǒngsǒk, ‘Minjok kaejoron tokhugam’ (no. 29, January 1932).

¹¹⁸ Kǒn-ho, Song, ‘Shingan Hoe Undong’, in Yun Pyǒng-sǒk, Shin Yong-ha and An Pyǒng-jik (eds), Essays in Modem Korean History (Han'guk kǔndae saron), vol. 2 (Seoul, chishik sanǒp sa, 1977), p. 448.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Donga Daily, 26.2.1923.

¹²⁰ Shin Ch'ae-ho, ‘Chosǒn Hyǒngmyǒng Sǒnǒn’, 1923, in Anti-Japanese National Declarations (Tae-Il Minjok Sonōn) (Seoul, II ǔl Mungo, 1972).

¹²¹ Cho Yong-man (ed.), History of the Cultural Movement under Imperial Japan (Iljeha ǔi Munhwa Undong Sa) (Seoul, Minjung sǒgwan, 1970); and essays by D. P. Mesler and Chanbok Ghee in Nahm (ed.) (see note 19), and by Seok Choong Song, Andrew Nahm and Oh Kon Cho in Kim and Mortimore (eds) (see note 4).

¹²² ‘Hǒmu Tang’, 1.1.1926, in Anti-Japanese National Declarations.

¹²³ Donga Daily, 26.3.1923.

¹²⁴ Ibid. Needless to say, the radical left did not consider themselves to be advocates of such a position, but the charge that they were preaching both despair and escapism was a major part in the Society's counter-attack.

¹²⁵ Suh, Dae-sook, Korean Communist Movement, pp. 7–8.Google Scholar

¹²⁶ Scalapino, R. A. and Chong-sik, Lee, ‘The Origins of the Korean Communist Movement (I)’, Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 20, no. 1 (11 1960), p. 16.Google Scholar

¹²⁷ Yǒo Un-hyǒlong was officially ‘evangelist’ in Seoul Sǔngdong Church in 1912, renowned for preaching on the ‘way of the Lord.’ He studied for 2 years at Dr Moffett's P'yǒngyang Theological Seminary before the outbreak of the first world war when he went to Nanking. Yǒ was active in the Versailles Conference campaign, and was a colleague and co-youth leader with Chang Tǒk-su from mid 1918. Chungwe Daily (), Howe (), 11.3.1930. Censored report, Yi Tong-hwi was an energetic Christian educationalist. He was Principal of school in Kanghwa Gun in 1907, worked with An Ch'ang-ho in the Sǒbuk Hakhoe (North-west Learning Society) from 1908, and in July 1909 toured the northern province of P'yǒngan and Hamgyǒng where he inspired a number of educational groups. Shinhan Minbo, 20.9.1907, 12.2.1908 and 28.7.1909. He maintained links with the editor of the Donga Daily, Song Chin-u in the 1920s.

¹²⁸ I am indebted to my colleague John Jorgensen for this information which he learned in conversation with Korean Buddhists while carrying out research on Buddhism recently in Seoul.

¹²⁹ Tong Kwang, No. 29 (January 1932), p. 58.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ One must allow for the fact that in citing these persons Cho was answering a Tong Kwang questionnaire and was given no space to explain what he meant. It is clear from his 1937 comments on Marxism mentioned in note 109 that Cho did not agree with historical materialism or economic determinism. Probably, it was Marx's vision of a just society that appealed to Cho (and other Korean Christians) rather than his political programme, and this reminds one that Marx did not of course invent socialism, and did not ever claim to have done so. The ‘moralism’ of Cho and his colleagues is not problematic as it is for Marxists, unless they were strict social-Darwinists. Yun Ch'i-ho had been something of a social-Darwinist and this had stuck like a bone in the throat. (See my article, ‘Yun Ch'i-ho the Quest for National Integrity’, Korea Journal, vol. 22, no. 1 (01 1982), pp. 46–7.) But An Ch'ang-ho appears to have dropped this problem and Kim Yun-gyǒng, a philosophy graduate from Tokyo, rejected a Darwinist view of society in favour of Kropotkin's concept of society as a community of mutual aid. Kim Yun-gyǒng, ‘Kaein gwa sahoe’, Tong Kwang, no. 9 (January 1927).Google Scholar

¹³¹ Some did become members of the North Korean Communist Party after 1945, like Lee Kǔng-no. Conversely, some leading communists became involved in the South Korean administration, like Kim Yak-su and Cho Bong-am.

¹³² Wells, K. M., ‘Civic Morality’ (see note 76), pp. 132–6.Google Scholar

¹³³ Kwang, Tong, no. 17 (January 1931), p. 43.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Kwang-su, Yi, ‘Kyumoǔi in—Yun Ch'i-ho Ssi’, Tong Kwang, No. 10 (February 1927), p. 10Google Scholar; The Donga Daily ran a series on Korean industry, in which the Songdo textile plant, ‘Songojik’, established in connexion with Yun's Hanyǒng College, was noted for the high quality of its products, which were being exported. (Donga Daily, ‘Chosǒn chingmul hyǒnhwang gwa saengsan chinhǔng ch'aek’, 1–16.8.1923.) Yun had a son, Yun Yǒng-son, trained in the U.S.A. in Agricultural Science, who established a dairy farm near Songdo which supplied milk even to Wǒsan, on the north-east coast. Kim Ūl-han, Chwaong Yun Ch'i-ho Chǒon (Seoul, Ūlsǒ mumhwa sa, 1978), p. 118.

¹³⁵ Kodang Cho Man-sik (P'yǒngnam minbo sa edition), p. 62.Google Scholar

¹³⁶ Ibid., pp. 109–21.

¹³⁷ E.g., Ri-sǒk, Ch'a, ‘Sanghae sangmuin sǒgwan’, Tong Kwang, no. 12 (April 1927).Google Scholar

¹³⁸ The case of Shin Hǔng-u, Y.M.C.A. leader and former Principal of the Methodist Pae Chae Higher Common School, highlights the ambiguity, or at least the differences in perceptions, of nationalist movements. When Shin organized the Chǒkkǔk Shinang Tan (Positive Faith Corps) in 1933, a Japanese report claimed it was modelled on the ‘Hitler Youth’ movement, on Hitler's idea of creating a ‘positive Christianity’ geared to weld Germans together as one body to surmount post-first world war difficulties. (Sǒtokufu hǒmu kyoku, 1938: Chǒsen dokuritsu undǒ no hensen’.) However, one finds Shin in 1934 lamenting that in ‘these days of dictatorships and Fascisms, liberalism seems to have received a setback’, and expressing the view that Christian thought, the ‘soul of liberalism’ and democracy, was the surest foe of such. (Hugh Heung-wu Cynn [Shin Hǔung-u], ‘Laymen and the Church’, in Within the Gate (Jubilee publication of the Northern Methodist Mission in Korea, 1934), p. 119, in the Archives of the Presbyterian Church of Victoria, Australia, Mitchell Library, Public Library of New South Wales, Sydney.)

¹³⁹ Han Kyǒng-jik fled south in 1946 and founded Young Nak Presbyterian Church, the largest of that denomination in Korea, with about 35,000 members currently. I approached him in 1981 while in Seoul for an interview, and he referred me to some early sermons and speeches now published. These begin in 1946, but are consistent with his views before the liberation.

¹⁴⁰ Kyǒng-jik, Han, ‘Kidokkyo wa Kongsanjui’, Sermon, 1947, Han Kyǒng-jik Moksa Sǒlgyo-jik, Tae Han Yesu Changno hoe Ch'onghoe Kyoyuk Buk, vol. I, 1971.Google Scholar

¹⁴¹ Government-General of Chōsen: Kei kǒ hi, no. 8036, ‘Himitsu kessha Chōsen kyǒsantǒ narabini seinenkai jiken kensha no ken’, 27.10.1928.

¹⁴² Ibid.

¹⁴³ Kang-hun, Yi, The History of the Korean Provisional Government (Tae Han Min'guk Imshi Chǒngbu Sa) (Seoul, Sǒmun mungo, 1975), p. 121.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁴ Scalapino, and Lee, (see note 126), p. 22.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁵ Kǔn-il, Ryu, Kim Kyu-sik, Korea's Man of Reason (Isǒng ǔi Han'gukin Kim Kyu-sik) (Seoul, Tongsǒ munhwa sa, 1981), pp. 166–7.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Il-tae, Kim, ‘Ch'ǒndogyo nongmin undong ǔi iron gwa shilje’, Tong Kwang, no. 20 (April 1931), p. 41.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁷ Paik, Lak-Geoon George, The History of Protestant Missions in Korea 1832–1910 (Seoul, Yonsei University Press, 3rd edn, 1980), ch. 4.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁸ Shearer, R. E., Wildfire: Church Growth in Korea (Michigan, Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1966), p. 142.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Chin Tǒk-kyu (see note 59). Defining true nationalism as popular movements, Mr Chin in effect concludes that if a movement fails it is because it is not supported by the people. This is obviously questionable in itself. Mr Chin then puts the decline in enthusiasm after 1924 down to the Society's faulty ideology, i.e., it was not'populist’. No mention is made of the crucial objective conditions limiting the movement, not even of the Government-General's harassment. According to Mr Chin's reasoning, one would have to conclude from the lack of success of any movement in the 1920s and 1930s that none at all was supported by the people, ergo, that there was no nationalism. Mr Chin cites (p. 148) in support of his position a Government-General Police Affairs Bureau summary of reports for 1933–38, dealing with the Japanese divide-and-rule policy against nationalism then. Such reports do refer back to earlier periods, and while they note a decline in nationalist movements in the mid-1920s, the decline is relative to socialist movements. As I argue in this paper, it is misleading to dichotomize ‘nationalists’ and ‘socialists’ in Korea at this time, and a rise in socialism did not mean nationalist sentiment was discarded. The Japanese paranoia about the ‘red threat’ in the 1920s must be allowed for: socialists and labour leagues were lumped under statistics on communism and some statistics are quite indiscriminate. Japanese reports also note a decline in radicalism by 1929 and the resurgence of ‘pure’ nationalism: Shakai undō no jōkyō, Naimushō keihōkyoku, Minzokushugi undō’, 1931, 1935 and 1937 (Tokyo, Sanichi Shobō, 1971). These reports cover Korean nationalism in both Korea and Japan.

¹⁵⁰ Kim Yang-su, ‘Tosan ǔi suyang undongǔl chaeinsik’, in Chu Yo-han (comp.), An Ch'ang-ho Chǒnjip (Complete works of An Ch'ang-ho) (Seoul, Samjungdang, 1963).

¹⁵¹ The controversy began with the publication of the series ‘Rule of the People’, in January 1924 in the Donga Daily (see note 80), which seemed to stop short of demanding complete independence and to call for self-government, pursued by legal or constitutional means. The idea was immediately opposed by several groups, nationalist and communist. Mr Chin (op. cit.), in order to advance his theory that the Society suffered a fatal lack of popular support, tries to link it with the ‘flawed’ ideology of legal, or ‘compromise’ nationalism.

¹⁵² For example, Chōsen Sōtokufu Keimukyoku Tōkyō shutchōen, May, 1924: ‘Zaikyō Chōsenin jōkyō’, reveals that whereas various Korean groups in Toyko, where they had relative freedom to speak plainly, met to censure the Donga Daily line in February 1924, by April, talk of this censure was rarely heard. Sometime in mid-March, Donga Daily manager Song Chin-u had secretly conferred with the communist youth leader, Han Wi-gōn, through an intermediary, and apparently some understanding was reached.

¹⁵³ Cho Man-sik was affiliated with the ‘non-compromise’ side. When the Shingan-hoe, a united front movement, was lauched early in 1927 with a strong statement that it rejected all opportunist or compromise movements (Chosǒn Daily, 20.1.1927), Cho became Head of the P'yǒngyang branch. Moreover the Shinganhoe's first national President was the Christian nationalist Yi Sang-jae (ibid., 16.2.1927), who was a leader of the movement to establish a Korean university in 1924, which Mr Chin places on the ‘non-popular’ side. Founding members of the Shinganhoe included the following founding members of the Korean Products Promotion Society: Lee Sun-t'aek, Lee Chong-rin, Pak Tong-wan and Myǒng Che-se; Yu Sǒng-jun's nephew Yu ǒk-kyǒm; and the communist leader, Han Wi-gǒn. (Donga Daily, 20.1.1927). Chang Tǒk-su was an editor of the Donga Daily, while Cho Man-sik was at one time manager of the Chosǒn Daily; the two newspapers were supposedly ‘compromise’ and ‘non-compromise’ organs in the 1920s and 1930s. That the communists were aware of the lack of clear definition of the factions is evident from the Korean communist ‘theses’ of March 1928. See ‘Chǒngch'i Rongang’, in Ko Jun-sǒk, (compiler), Chōsen Kakumei te-ze, pp. 81–8.

¹⁵⁴ The said pattern is supported by statistical tables in an unpublished seminar paper presented by Professor Sydney Crawcour, Far Eastern History Department, Australian National University on 15 November 1983: ‘War and Industrial Development in Modern Japan: The Sino-Japanese War to World War I’.

¹⁵⁵ Scalapino, and Lee, , ‘The Origins of the Korean Communist Movement (II)’, Journal of Asian Studies vol. 20, no. 2 (02 1961), p. 161CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Government-General Police Affairs Bureau, ‘Chōsen kyōsantojiken no kenkyo temmatsu’, August 1926. Subsequently three more short-lived Communist Parties were established in Seoul in 1926, 1927 and 1928 (Suh Dae-sook, pp. 77–80; Government-General of Chosen: Kei Kō hi, no. 8036, 27.10.1928). Further attempts to establish a party in Korea in 1929, 1930 and 1931–1932 failed completely (Suh Dae-sook, pp. 118ff).

¹⁵⁶ Thus Suh Dae-sook, p. 332: Communism ‘never got to the grass roots’. Of the 175 arrested on the fall of the fourth Communist Party in October 1928, the majority were students (Government-General of Chōsen: Kei Kō hi, loc. cit.). Examination of the documents and trial records relating to the 1926 Six-ten Incident and 1929 Kwangju Student Uprising reveal also that radical leftism was mainly the domain of intellectuals—inside Korea, that is. The 1926 Incident was an attempt to re-stage the 1919 movement and was designed ‘to test the revolutionary potential of the masses’, in line with Comintern instructions: students led some demonstrations but nothing came of it. (Government-General Police Affairs Bureau, ‘Chōsen kyōsanto jiken no kenkyo temmatsu’, August 1926).

The Kwangju Student Uprising began on 3 November 1929, sparked off by an altercation between a Korean and a Japanese student but planned since September 1928 by student ‘Reading Societies’ which under Chang Chae-sǒng had become Marxist. The uprising became nation-wide after the President of the Shingan Hoe, the Ch'ǒndogyo Old Faction leader Kwǒn Tong-jin, arranged a speech rally in Seoul with Donga Daily manager Song Chin-u and the Buddhist nationalist Han Yong-un, and notified Shingan Hoe branches in the provinces. In all, 335 Koreans were sentenced to imprisonment, of whom 232 were students and 14 were teachers. (Kwangju District Court Criminal Records Bureau, vol. 5, no. 46, 8.10.1930; Government-General Police Affairs Bureau, no. 1237, ‘Shinkankai no gakusei sōjō ni saishi fuon keikaku jiken yoshin shūketsu no ken,’ 11.9.1930; Seoul High Court Investigation Bureau, Thought Department, Shisō Geppo no. 6, September 1931).

¹⁵⁷ See note 75.

¹⁵⁸ The series of Japanese Ministry of Internal Affairs reports headed Shakai undō no jōkyō reveal increasing uncertainty about the actual force of Korean nationalism from 1935 to 1940. After the discovery in 1937–38 of two major nationalist organisations—Tonguhoe and Hǔngǒp Kurakbu—the Japanese reassessed ‘pure’ nationalism and concluded that while it seemed at times to die down, it was extremely resilient, simply lying in wait for the slightest opportunity. Sǒtokufu hǒmu kyoku, 1938: ‘Chosen dokuritsu shisǒ undo no hensen’; Sǒtokufu keimukyoku, 1939: ‘Saikin ni okeru Chōsen chian jōkyō’. The same is evident in the Shisǒ ihǒof the late 1930s, put out by the Seoul High Court Prosecutor's Office. These can be found in Pak Kyǒng-shik (comp.), Chōsen mondai shiryǒ sǒsho vol. 8, ‘1930 nendai minzoku undō (Tokyo, Sanichi shobǒ, 1983).

¹⁵⁹ Cf. Chong-sik, Lee, The Politics of Korean Nationalism (University of California Press, 1963), p. 178.Google Scholar

¹⁶⁰ Ki-jun, Cho (see note 33), p. 524.Google Scholar

¹⁶¹ Lim Ǔn (pseudonym), The Founding of a Dynasty in North Korea (Tokyo, Jiyusha, 1982), p. 133.Google Scholar The author of this very interesting book also maintains that Cho was the Soviet Command's first choice for leader of North Korea (he was Head of the Interim Government until January 1946), dropped only because he refused to accept the idea of a protectorate over Korea (pp. 149–51).