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Recent Contributions on the Socioeconomic History of Modern Argentina

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LOS TRABAJADORES DE BUENOS AIRES: LA EXPERIENCIA DEL MERCADO, 1850–1880. By SabatoHilda and RomeroLuis Alberto. (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 1992. Pp. 284.)
FRONTIER DEVELOPMENT: LAND, LABOUR, AND CAPITAL ON THE WHEAT-LANDS OF ARGENTINA AND CANADA, 1890–1914. By AdelmanJeremy. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994. Pp. 322. $62.00 cloth.)
POLITICS AND URBAN GROWTH IN BUENOS AIRES, 1910–1942. By WalterRichard J. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Pp. 278. $59.95 cloth.)

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Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 October 2022

Raúl García Heras
Raúl García Heras*
Affiliation:
Buenos Aires, Argentina
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Type
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Information
Latin American Research Review , Volume 32 , Issue 3 , 1997 , pp. 140 - 151
Copyright
Copyright © 1997 by the University of Texas Press

Footnotes

∗

I am grateful to Rory Miller, University of Liverpool, for helpful comments on an earlier version of this essay.

References

Notes

1. See for example John Fogarty, Ezequiel Gallo, and Héctor Diéguez, Argentina y Australia (Buenos Aires: Instituto Di Tella, 1979); John Fogarty and Tim Duncan, Argentina and Australia: On Parallel Paths (Carlton: Melbourne University Press, 1984); Carl E. Solberg, “Peopling the Prairies and the Pampas: The Impact of Immigration on Argentine and Canadian Agrarian Development, 1870–1930,” Journal of Inter-American Studies and World Affairs 24, no. 2 (May 1982):131-61; Solberg, The Prairies and the Pampas: Agrarian Policy in Canada and Argentina, 1880–1930 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1987); and Argentina, Australia, and Canada: Studies in Comparative Development, 1870–1965, edited by D. C. M. Platt and Guido Di Tella (New York: St. Martin's, 1985).

2. For the most important works alluded to in this essay, see James R. Scobie, Buenos Aires: Plaza to Suburb, 1870–1910 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974); Charles H. Sargent, The Spatial Evolution of Greater Buenos Aires, Argentina, 1870–1930 (Tempe: Arizona State University Press, 1974); and Guy Bourdé, Buenos Aires: Urbanización e inmigración (Buenos Aires: Huemul, 1977).

3. The debate arose over Argentine foreign policy in the 1930s and the 1940s.

4. See for example Burton Kaufman, Trade and Aid: Eisenhower's Foreign Economic Policy, 1953–1961 (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1982); Walt Rostow, Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Foreign Aid (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985); and Richard Melanson and David Mayers, Reevaluating Eisenhower: American Foreign Policy in the Fifties (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987).

5. At first the Eisenhower administration adopted the principle of “Trade, Not Aid,” relying on liberalized world trade and the encouragement of private enterprise to assure world economic growth and prosperity, especially in the Third World. Later the administration adopted the principle of “Trade and Aid” after recognizing that the previous policy was insufficient for these pressing economic development problems. While maintaining its adherence to economic liberalism, the Eisenhower administration began to commit itself seriously to programs of development aid. For a more detailed discussion of these principles, see Kaufman, Trade and Aid, and Rostow, Eisenhower, Kennedy, and Foreign Aid.

6. The significance of these omissions will be dealt with in the conclusion of this essay.

7. American and Foreign Power was an electric power supply company operating power stations in the interior of Argentina, which were summarily expropriated by the military government (1943-1946) under accusations of political corruption and poor service. The company demanded compensation for its expropriated assets, but the case was not settled until 1959, when the Peronists were longer in power. The meat-packing companies and the U.S. government objected to “frequent exchange-rate manipulations” and Argentina's establishment of a market price for cattle and maximum prices for wholesale and retail sales. For their views, see the memorandum from Roy Rubottom to Douglas Dillon, dated Washington, 16 Dec. 1958, National Archives, Record Group 59, 811.05135/12–185.

8. On the Bank of England's concerns, see a Foreign Office minute by I. F. S. Vincent, dated London, 11 May 1955, Foreign Office 371 A11345/1; minute enclosed in Evans to Kirkpatrick, Buenos Aires, 23 Apr. 1956, FO 371 A1051/1; and a Bank of England memorandum by Leslie Crick dated London, 3 Jan. 1955, in Bank of England Archive, London, Representative Country Files: Argentina OV 102/105. On British official goals, see the Bank of England minutes of 28 Apr. and 31 May 1956, Bank of England Archive, Argentina OV 102/36.

9. A representative instance of these officials was Carlos Coll Benegas, member of a traditional upper-class family who graduated from the University of Cambridge and worked at the Oficina de Investigaciones Económicas of the Banco Central until 1946.

10. For example, Szusterman's study does not delve into the reasons why the Unión Industrial Argentina (UIA) never fully supported the developmentalist industrialization program. Nor does it discuss the differences between the UIA and the Confederación General Económica (CGE), an association of industrialists more in line with Peronist economic thinking that had better relations with the Frondizi government.

11. See Eprime Eshag and Rosemary Thorp, “Economic and Social Consequences of Orthodox Economic Policies in Argentina in the Post-War Years,” Bulletin of the Oxford Institute of Statistics 27, no. 1 (Feb. 1965):3–44. A Spanish version of this article came out later.

12. For instance, Argentina had to adopt the multilateral system of trade and payments and free its foreign-exchange markets.

13. These clashes involved two economy ministers, Alvaro Alsogaray (1959-1961) and Roberto Alemann (1961-1962), and Central Bank President Eustaquio Méndez Delfino. For a good statement of developmentalist views, see Rogelio Frigerio, El país de nuevo en la encrucijada: La falacia de la estabilización monetaria sin expansión económica (Buenos Aires: Concordia, 1960).

14. This trend emerged from data coming from polls conducted periodically by Gallup. For the results, see Marita Carballo, “Los argentinos creen cada vez menos en la política,” La Nación (Buenos Aires), 13 Jan. 1996, p. 7.

15. See James R. Scobie, Revolution on the Pampas: A Social History of Argentine Wheat, 1860–1910 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1964); and Buenos Aires: Plaza to Suburb.

16. For a fuller treatment of some of these issues, see Raúl García Heras, “La Argentina y el Club de París: Comercio y pagos multilaterales con Europa Occidental, 1955–1958,” El Trimestre Económico 63, no. 4 (Oct.–Dec. 1996):1277–1308 (published in Mexico City). This article is based mainly on primary sources from various Argentine, British, and U.S. public and private archives.

17. See Raanan Rein, The Franco-Perón Alliance: Relations between Spain and Argentina, 1946–1955 (Pittsburgh, Pa.: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1993). Rein's study draws on all the relevant Argentine, British, Spanish, and U.S. archival sources.

18. See for example Paul W. Drake, Money Doctor in the Andes: Advisors, Investors, and Economic Growth in Latin America from World War I to the Great Depression (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1988); and Money Doctors, Foreign Debts, and Economic Reforms in Latin America from the 1890s to the Present, edited by Paul W. Drake (Wilmington, Del.: Scholarly Resources, 1993).

19. For some recent studies on this consensus and how this paradigm was well applied to Latin America, see The Political Power of Economic Ideas: Keynesianism across Nations, edited by Peter A. Hall (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1989); Ludolfo Paramio, Tras el diluvio: La izquierda ante el fin de siglo (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1989); and Kathryn Sikkink, Ideas and Institutions: Developmentalism in Brazil and Argentina (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1991).