Este artículo, el primero de una serie de dos, analiza la investigación actual sobre el acoso en la arqueología que ha dado forma a la disciplina desde finales de 1800. A partir de la década de 1970, el acoso se reconoce como un factor significativo que afecta la equidad de género. Investigaciones cualitativas y cuantitativas recientes han verificado que el acoso ocurre a tasas epidémicas, en tanto les arqueólogues son acosades, principalmente por otres arqueólogues, y esto ocurre no sólo en entornos de investigación de campo, sino también en aulas, laboratorios, museos, lugares de trabajo y conferencias. Aunque las mujeres en la arqueología experimentan acoso con mayor frecuencia, las cifras de hombres como de mujeres informan de acoso en proporciones inquietantemente altas. Les arqueólogues de color, LGBTQIA+, no binarios y con discapacidades también son hostigades de manera desproporcionada. Como se refleja en las propias experiencias de la autora, el acoso crea una carga cognitiva para les sobrevivientes y reduce el acceso a oportunidades profesionales, impactando directamente en la diversidad dentro de la arqueología. Afortunadamente, existen intervenciones y políticas basadas en evidencia que pueden reducir esta práctica y apoyar a les sobrevivientes, lo que se analiza en el segundo artículo, “Contra las culturas del acoso en la arqueología: Enfoques socioambientales y basados en el trauma para la transformación disciplinaria”.

Investigations at sites across northwestern Honduras—inside and outside the Maya area—have revealed diverse food activities and ingredients. Paralleling the evidence from durable artifact assemblages, we see transformation over time in materials and practices, as well as the movement of elements across the landscape. Botanical evidence points toward a dynamic overlap between northern and southern societies, with northwestern Honduras serving as a sort of regional crossroads. In this article, we compare cuisines from several ancient communities in northwestern Honduras, using microbotanical and macrobotanical residues. We briefly address the political and historic context of the region and provide abridged biographies of several culinary taxa. Of particular interest are milpa annual crops such as maize and squash, managed and cultivated palm species, wild and managed herbaceous species, edible fruit species, and root and tuberous crops such as lerén, sweet potato, and manioc.

Investigations at the site of Huacas de Moche—also referred to as Huacas del Sol and de la Luna—on the north coast of Peru show a continuous occupational sequence from around AD 100 to 1500. The longest occupation corresponds to the Moche culture from around AD 100 to 850. Based on available archaeological evidence, this article examines the impact of an El Niño-like event in AD 600 on the history of Huacas de Moche. Widely held hypotheses assumed that this kind of climatic event caused the abandonment of the site; however, such explanations do not fit the current data. After almost three decades of research, archaeological evidence indicates that after the El Niño-like phenomenon of AD 600, the Old Temple of Huaca de la Luna was closed down, and the New Temple was built toward the east of the previous one, on the same slope of Cerro Blanco. Furthermore, on the opposite side of the site, the building called Huaca del Sol experienced its last and greatest architectural expansion, becoming a large-scale palace. These new lines of evidence lead us to reassess the effect that the El Niño-like phenomenon of AD 600 had on the development of the Moche culture at the site.

This study investigates the impact of the Aztec Triple Alliance on trade and economic activity in the region of Puebla-Tlaxcala during the Late Postclassic period (AD 1200–1519). Ethnohistorical sources describe the Aztec Triple Alliance as constantly at war with settlements in the Tlaxcala region. To weaken their Tlaxcalteca rivals, the Aztecs imposed a trade blockade to reduce the flow of resources into Puebla-Tlaxcala. This article uses archaeological evidence to evaluate the effectiveness of this blockade. It compares the types of obsidian used to manufacture lithic tools from Aztec-controlled sources with those used within Puebla-Tlaxcala. Information from the large center of Tepeticpac and the small obsidian workshop site of Cinco Santos II, both in the Tlaxcala domain, are compared to other sites in Central Mexico prior to and during the height of Aztec influence. The results show little difference in regional trade patterns: obsidian from Sierra de las Navajas and Otumba was used in proportions in the Tlaxcala region in the Late Postclassic similar to those used during earlier periods. If an embargo was attempted, it was largely unsuccessful in isolating Tlaxcala from broader regional distribution networks.

We present stable isotope and osteological data from human remains at Paloma, Chilca I, La Yerba III, and Morro I that offer new evidence for diet, lifestyle, and habitual mobility in the first villages that proliferated along the arid Pacific coast of South America (ca. 6000 cal BP). The data not only reaffirm the dietary primacy of marine protein for this period but also show evidence at Paloma of direct access interactions between the coast and highlands, as well as habitual mobility in some parts of society. By locating themselves at the confluence of diverse coastal and terrestrial habitats, the inhabitants of these early villages were able to broaden their use of resources through rounds of seasonal mobility, while simultaneously increasing residential sedentism. Yet they paid little substantial health penalty for their settled lifestyles, as reflected in their osteological markers of stature and stress, compared with their agriculturalist successors even up to five millennia later. Contrasting data for the north coast of Chile indicate locally contingent differences. Considering these data in a wider chronological context contributes to understanding how increasing sedentism and population density laid the foundations here for the emergence of Late Preceramic social complexity.

Este trabajo identifica íconos de numerales asociados a dos tipos de cómputo del tiempo plasmados en el arte de Teotihuacan durante el periodo Clásico (150-650 dC). Primero, se analiza la pintura mural del altar de Atetelco, distinguiendo seis íconos de números y un símbolo matemático empleados para computar cuentas de 104 años trópicos, y 72 y 7.300 ciclos sinódicos de Venus. Un segundo análisis muestra que ambas cuentas fueron usadas en obras de estilo teotihuacano mediante una iconografía distinta al sistema numérico de puntos y barras. Las fechas teotihuacanas pueden ser correlacionadas con los registros de la cuenta larga del área Maya, lo que nos permite datar los monumentos y artefactos arqueológicos mediante la iconografía. La evidencia muestra que los teotihuacanos midieron el tiempo a largo plazo plasmando las cuentas en complejas obras como parte de la institucionalización del registro del tiempo.

The exceptional preservation of perishable artifacts on the arid west coast of the Andes has led to an abundance of knowledge on prehispanic textile production. Yet comparatively little of this knowledge is based on highland examples due to their poor preservation in the moist environment of the Andean sierra. Systematic excavations in 2011–2012 at the archaeological complex of Hualcayán in highland Ancash, Peru, revealed surprisingly well-preserved textiles and cordage from four partially looted machay-style tombs. In this article we provide an overview of textile forms, production techniques, and iconography from a sample of 292 textile and cordage fragments, equaling 20% of Hualcayán's assemblage. This work contributes to a better understanding of ancient Andean weaving in general and interregional interaction during the Early Intermediate period and Middle Horizon (ca. AD 1–1000) in particular. Significantly, we document variability in cotton yarn and a general uniformity in camelid yarn and weaving techniques in the overall sample. These findings, in combination with similarities in weaving techniques and style between coastal examples and Hualcayán's fabrics, suggest a coastal–highland relationship.

This article examines the use of cooking vessels from Early Postclassic (AD 900–1250) Xaltocan, Mexico, through residue analysis of ceramic sherds. The analysis combined phytolith and starch analyses with Fourier transform infrared spectroscopy. Because our understanding of prehispanic foodways in central Mexico is based largely on sources that describe or depict Aztec practices in the sixteenth century, we ask how foods were similar or different prior to the Aztecs. We also seek a better understanding of how plainware vessels were used in prehispanic times. Although there is long-term continuity in the preparation of foods such as tamales and corn gruels, we find that additional foods such as tuber-based stews were prepared in the Early Postclassic. In addition, some ceramic vessels, such as comales and crude bowls, had a wider range of food preparation functions than expected.

El objetivo de este trabajo es discutir las técnicas y estrategias de caza empleadas para la captura de pinnípedos en la desembocadura del Río Santa Cruz (Santa Cruz, Patagonia), particularmente en la localidad arqueológica Punta Entrada. Ésta se caracteriza por poseer amplias concentraciones de material arqueológico a cielo abierto en las cuales los restos de pinnípedos de las especies Otaria flavescens y Arctocephalus australis dominan los conjuntos zooarqueológicos, evidenciando que estos animales fueron una presa principal de los cazadores-recolectores durante los últimos 2.000 años aP. Los estudios del registro artefactual lítico sugieren el uso de diversos sistemas de armas combinados, entre los cuales se incluyen aquellos de circulación regional y uso general (lanzas) y otros netamente costeros y de uso específico, como son los rompecráneos, informando así la existencia de estrategias de caza particulares para estos animales y de artefactos destinados a tal fin.

We carry out a mathematical analysis of the quadrilateral fields from Codex Santa María Asunción and compare it with similar previous results from Codex Vergara, as well as analyze fields with more than four sides from both codices. We also provide a computational tool to draw all the possible shapes of the fields. Finally, we use the concept of maximum area to test the feasibility of the areas recorded in the codices and conclude that the Acolhua were very good surveyors.

After decades of study, much remains unknown about the foraging practices of the earliest inhabitants of Puerto Rico. Here, we present an analysis of the malacological assemblages of two neighboring and (partially) contemporary early sites from the island's southwest, finding intriguing intersite differences in shellfish collection practices. We attribute this diversity to differences in site type, chronology, or changes in local coastal configuration. This work not only provides insights into prehistoric Puerto Rican foraging dynamics but also demonstrates the importance of considering factors including intra-age chronology, site type, and changes in paleoenvironmental conditions when considering ancient foraging practices.

Early Spaniards reported that the Inka state organized public celebrations involving extravagant banquets and drinking, in addition to singing and dancing. Cieza de León and Cobo noted that large number of llamas were slaughtered for such special celebrations. Although it is understood that food was an integral part of the festivities and that the Inka state used food as a political tool, until recently the meal preparation details for such large gatherings remained unknown. Recent archaeological excavation at Tambo Viejo revealed the presence of earthen ovens, similar in fashion to contemporary pachamanka, that were used for cooking at Inka state public celebrations.