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Shan virtual insurgency and the spectatorship of the nation

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  14 January 2011

Abstract

The Shan State Army-South (SSA-S) is today one of Burma's largest remaining ethnic opposition armies. This paper investigates ethnic politics of the SSA-S and their strategic use of media. It argues that Shan insurgency today has moved into a new phase characterised by its intense involvement with mass media. The paper examines, on the production side, the Shan insurgency's media products and its networking with the Thai press. On the reception side, it explores how the images of ethnic insurgency are consumed by Shan audiences living in exile, analysing how long-distance Shan nationalism is generated through the spectatorship of these ‘militarised’ images.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The National University of Singapore 2011

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References

1 I use ‘Burma’ instead of ‘Myanmar’ for the reason that the name change was made without consultation with the populace. Throughout the paper, the term ‘Burman’ will be used to refer to the dominant ethnic group while ‘Burmese’ is to citizens of the nation.

2 My usage of ‘mediascapes’ builds upon Arjun Appadurai's mediascape, by which he refers to the creation of images through electronic capabilities to produce and disseminate information. Appadurai, Arjun, Modernity at large: Cultural dimensions of globalization (Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), pp. 2747Google Scholar.

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20 Various spellings. Martin Smith refers to this group as Noom Suik Harn. See Smith, Martin, Burma: Insurgency and the politics of ethnicity (Bangkok: White Lotus, 1999)Google Scholar, p. 190. The Shan words used in this paper have been transcribed according to Shan orthography provided in Moeng, Sao Tern, A Shan–English dictionary (Kensington: Dunwoody Press, 1995)Google Scholar. However, I do not attempt to indicate tone markers in my transcription. I have also made changes in the transcriptions of some vowels, for example, instead of ai (as in air), I use ae. My intention is to give non-Shan-speaking readers a general sense of the way the word is pronounced.

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22 Lintner, Burma in revolt, pp. 185–9. See also Lintner, Bertil, Outrage: Burma's struggle for democracy (London and Bangkok: White Lotus, 1990)Google Scholar, p. 31.

23 In discussing about the new phase of contemporary Shan armed struggle, I do not assume that the transnational characteristics of the Shan insurgency are new. In fact, the first convention of the Shan State Army took place in Chiang Mai in 1964. What is new in today's Shan armed struggle is based on the factor of demographic shift in Shan population and the advent of new media technology.

24 Lintner, Burma in revolt, p. 182. See also Fredholm, Michael, Burma: Ethnicity and insurgency (Westport: Praeger, 1993)Google Scholar, p. 159.

25 Lintner, Burma in revolt, p. 207.

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29 Ibid., pp. 259–64; Smith, Burma: Insurgency, pp. 339–44.

30 Smith notes that Khun Sa is a real master of political brinksmanship, playing the politics of identity by presenting himself as Shan, and at the same time allying himself with the Thai monarchy. His base was hung with portraits of the King and Queen of Thailand. Smith writes that Khun Sa suggested to him that if the Tailand Revolutionary Council (TRC) could not succeed in achieving military secession from Burma, the ‘eight million Shan people’ should consider joining their ethnic ‘brothers’ in Thailand. Smith, Burma: Insurgency, p. 343.

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33 The diary was later published during the 10th anniversary of non-submission to the Burmese rule in January 2006. See Yawd Serk, Kuk khob sip pee aum wang keung [Ten years anniversary of non-submission] (No publication details, 2006).

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37 Their albums were produced in small amounts; 1,000 copies of each album were sold both in Thailand and Burma. Although Shan retailers inside Burma had to sell the albums secretly due to the political content of the songs, this secret business also allowed them to copy the albums freely. Thus their songs were disseminated widely through illicit channels.

38 As of 2009, Nang Khur had resigned from the SSA-S advisory board. The reason, given by her, was her health.

39 Black and Fields, On patrol, pp. 12–13.

40 Alice Coster, ‘Shan State Army: Fight for peace’, The Nation, 20 Feb. 2007.

41 The text is written in Thai scripts. The original text reads: ‘Ma ruam kan pai ku chat khong rao khuen. Nai wan ni rao mee phunam’.

42 For various definitions of ‘diaspora’, see Kearney, ‘The local’, pp. 547–66; Sheffer, Modern diasporas; Clifford, James, ‘Diaspora’, Cultural Anthropology, 9, 3 (1994): 302–38CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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47 Fair, ‘Diaspora’, pp. 125–56. See also, Wayland, ‘Ethnonationalist’, pp. 405–26.

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50 Yawd Serk, Ten years.

51 Coster, ‘Shan State Army’.

52 Suntivutimetee, Wandee, ‘An interview with Ad Carabao’, The Irrawaddy, 10, 7 (2002): 20–1Google Scholar (http://www.irrawaddy.org/article.php?art_id=2709, last accessed on 10 Feb. 2009).

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56 During 2004–07, Nipatporn has published several articles in Thai magazines; Raw tawan chai shan’ [‘Yearning for the sunshine’], National Geographic Society (Thai version), 6, 64 (2006)Google Scholar: 68–79, Rao cha ku chat daui watthanatham’ [‘We will fight with our culture’], Sarakadee, 23, 267 (2007): 110–16Google Scholar, for example. These articles are later compiled in a book by Pengkaew, Nipatporn and Burapawat, Naunkaew, Kon tawan chai Shan [Before the sun reaches the Shan] (Bangkok: Openbooks, 2007)Google Scholar.

57 Nipatporn Pengkaew, ‘60 pee nai laung bon Doi Tai Lang’ [‘60 years anniversary of Thai King's succession to the throne at Loi Tailang’], Krungthep Thurakit, 16 June 2006.

58 Staniland, ‘Defeating’, pp. 21–40.

59 Ferguson, ‘Revolutionary’, pp. 106–21; Ferguson, ‘Rocking’, pp. 135–65.

60 Maung Chan, ‘Discussion on contemporary situation in Shan State with Sai Wansai of SDU’, http://www.peacehall.com/news/gb/english/2005/11/200511300029.shtml, last accessed on 18 Dec. 2007.