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Politicization of the Buddhist Sangha in Laos

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 April 2011

Martin Stuart-Fox  and
Rod Bucknell
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Extract

Theravada Buddhism as the traditional religion of the dominant ethnic Lao majority in Laos historically has played a key role in structuring Lao society and in assuring the continuity of Lao culture. Though the dhamma (the Buddha's teaching) may be only superficially understood and practised by most of the lay population, Buddhism has provided a set of moral values and a view of life which have strongly influenced modes of thought and action over the centuries. As a result, the sangha (the order of Buddhist monks) has come to command high respect and its activities pervade every aspect of the social and cultural milieu.

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Articles
Information
Journal of Southeast Asian Studies , Volume 13 , Issue 1 , March 1982 , pp. 60 - 80
Copyright
Copyright © The National University of Singapore 1982

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References

1 The term “Pathet Lao” strictly speaking means “Laos” (“Land of the Lao”). It is the usual term for the Lao communist movement, and will be used as such in this paper.

2 Thepbuali, Khamtan, Pha Song Lāu Kap Kān Patiwat [In Lao, “The Lao Sangha and the Revolution”] (Vientiane: Neo Lao Haksat Press, 1975), p. 36Google Scholar. A useful summary and review of this small book is given by Phinith, Saveng in Bulletin de l'École Francaise d'Extrême-Orient, LXIV (1977): 317–23Google Scholar.

3 Khamtan, op. cit., p. 40.

4 This organization is called by Zasloff the Laotian Buddhist Association; see Zasloff, Joseph J., The Pathet Lao: Leadership and Organization (Lexington: D.C. Heath and Co., 1973), p. 141Google Scholar. It adopted the slogan “Unity, Struggle, Neutrality, Peace”; Khamtan, op. cit., pp. 55–60.

5 The sangha is “the only permanent vertical functional organization which reaches into the Lao rural population”. See Boutsavath, Vongsavanh and Chapelier, Georges, “Lao Popular Buddhism and Community Development”, Journal of the Siam Society, LXI, 2 (July 1973): 15Google Scholar. See also Phimmasone, Phouvong, “L'organisation du bouddhisme au Laos”, Bulletin des Amis du Royaume Lao, No. 9 (1973): 127–29Google Scholar.

6 Dommen, Arthur J., Conflict in Laos: The Politics of Neutralization (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1964), p. 76Google Scholar.

7 This ordinance superceded the earlier 1951 statute on the structure of the sangha. For a detailed account see Pathoumxad, Kruong, “Organization of the Sangha”, Kingdom of Laos, ed. de Berval, René (Saigon: France Asie, 1959), pp. 257–67Google Scholar. Also Bechart, Heinz, Buddhismus, Stoat und Gesellschaft in den Landern des Theravada-Buddhismus, vol. II Birma, Kambodscha, Laos, Thailand (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1967), pp. 268–73Google Scholar.

8 Halpern, Joel M., Government, Politics, and Social Structure in Laos. Southeast Asia Studies Monograph No. 4 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964), p. 50Google Scholar. See also Boutsavath and Chapelier, op. cit., pp. 14–15.

9 Cf. Halpern, op. cit., p. 61.

10 Ibid., p. 58.

11 Khamtan, op. cit., pp. 45–52.

12 Ibid., pp. 53–56.

13 Halpern, op. cit., p. 60.

14 Cf. Boutsavath and Chapelier, op. cit., p. 2; also Halpern, op. cit., p. 56.

15 For the role of the sangha in Thai society, see Suksamran, Somboon, Political Buddhism in Southeast Asia: The Role of the Sangha in the Modernization of Thailand (New York: St. Martins Press, 1977), esp. pp. 22–23Google Scholar; Reynolds, Frank E., “Civic Religion and National Community in Thailand”, Journal of Asian Studies, XXXVI (1977): 267–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Keyes, Charles F., “Buddhism and National Integration in Thailand”, Journal of Asian Studies, XXX (1971): 551–67CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ishii, Yoneo, “Church and State in Thailand”, Asian Survey, VIII (1968): 864–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the role played by Buddhism in Burma, see especially Sarkisyanz, E., Buddhist Background of the Burmese Revolution (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1965)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Smith, Donald Eugene, Religion and Politics in Burma (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965)Google Scholar.

16 The two sects had roughly equal numbers of adherents in Southern Laos (i.e., in the provinces of Champassak and Sithandone), but the Mahā-nikai far outnumbered the Thammayut-nikai elsewhere in the country. See Boutsavath and Chapelier, op. cit., p. 26.

17 Tanbuali, Mahacanla, Santhāna Phra-Phuttha-sāsanā nai Prathēt Sāthāranarat Prachāthipatai Prachāchon Lāu [In Thai, “The State of the Buddhist Religion in the People's Democratic Republic of Laos”], (Bangkok: Khana Sāsanikachon, 1977), p. 71Google Scholar. Monks from the two sects could not attend the same rituals, and lay followers could not inter-marry.

18 Thitangkūn, Mahāthawan, Prasopkān nai Lāu [In Thai, “Experiences in Laos”], (Bangkok, 1977), p. 120Google Scholar. See also p. 167 where the point is reiterated that the existence of the two sects left the Sangha disunited and vulnerable.

19 Abhay, Thao Nhouy, Buddhism in Laos (n.p.: Ministry of Education Library Committee, 1958), p. 26Google Scholar.

20 Cf. Halpern, op. cit., p. 60. See also Bechert, op. cit., p. 296 where he makes the point that Americanization of the lifestyle of conservative rightist politicians and military officers had made a mockery of their claims to stand for traditional Lao values, and lost them the support of much of the sangha.

21 See Chapelier, Georges and van Malderghem, Josyane, “Plain of Jars, Social Changes under Five Years of Pathet-Lao Administration”, Asia Quarterly 1 (1971): 69–71Google Scholar.

22 Dommen, op. cit., p. 321.

23 Central Committee of the Lao Patriotic Front, Twenty Years of the Lao People's Revolutionary Struggle (n.p.: Neo Lao Haksat Press, 1966), p. 28Google Scholar.

24 Zasloff, op. cit., p. 61.

25 Ibid., p. 124.

26 For the best account of community development programmes involving the Lao sangha, see Boutsavath and Chapelier, op. cit. Opposition came principally from monks in Vientiane, who objected that such programmes would become a focus for PL propaganda: “See your monks! They work for the Government and the Americans” (p. 25).

27 On these developments see Zago, Marcel, “Bouddhisme lao contemporain” Bulletin des Amis du Royaume Lao, No. 9 (1973): 130–37Google Scholar. A translation of this paper by Wolfe, Alan can be found in Dumoulin, Heinrich and Maraldo, John C. (eds.), Buddhism in the Modem World (New York: Macmillan, 1976), pp. 120–27Google Scholar.

28 See Mahacanla, op. cit., p. 35. According to Mahathawan, op. cit., pp. 141–45, a group known as Yuwasong (“Young Sangha”) spearheaded this criticism by (1) denouncing elders of the Sangha, (2) printing criticisms, (3) joining secular protests, (4) teaching that Buddhism was compatible with socialism, and (5) actively propagating their ideas countrywide.

29 “National Political Programme for Building a Peaceful, Independent, Neutral, Democratic, United and Prosperous Laos”, Laos News, 12 Feb. 1975; rep. in Journal of Contemporary Asia, V, 2 (1975): 253Google Scholar.

30 For an account of popular reaction to the signing of the treaty, see Mahacanla, op. cit., pp. 37–38.

31 Mati Khawonkhawai Khana Song Lāu, ibid., p. 44. This is not to be confused with the Action Plan of the United Buddhists Association, published in Khaosan Pathet Lao, Bulletin Quotidien, 24 and 25 June 1976, and in English translation in Joint Publications Research Service, Translations on South and East Asia, no. 651, 21 July 1976, pp. 18–22.

32 These developments are detailed in Mahacanla, op. cit., pp. 38–45.

33 It is widely believed in Laos that karma (generated in a former existence) determines present social status. This provided considerable support for the elitist structure of Lao society, and was naturally a target of PL criticism. Cf. Boutsavath and Chapelier, op. cit., p. 22. See also Gombrich, Richard, “Buddhist Karma and Social Control”, Comparative Studies in Society and History XVIII (1975): 212–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 Khamtan, op. cit., p. 65.

35 See, e.g. Phoumi Vongvichit's speech to Buddhist teachers broadcast over Vientiane Radio, 18 Oct. 1976 (Foreign Broadcast Information Service, 28 Oct. 1976), p. 12.

36 Khamtan, Kān müang kap Sāsanā Phut [in Lao, “Politics and Buddhism”], (n.p.: Neo Lao Haksat Press, 1976).

37 Ibid., p. 46.

38 Ibid., p. 48.

39 These examples were given by a Lao refugee monk, Bhikkhu Sathukhamfan, formerly of Luang Prabang, where he was secretary to the former Lao Sangha-rāja. (Interview, Wat Yannawa, Bangkok, 19 Nov. 1978)

40 Puligandla, R. and Puhakka, K., “Buddhism and Revolution”, Philosophy East and West, XX (1970): 346Google Scholar.

41 E.g., by Coughlin, Richard J., “Social Features of Buddhism in Thailand”, Far Eastern Economic Review, XX (1956): 142Google Scholar. The counter-argument is put by Yamklinfung, Prasert, “Family, Religion and Socio-Economic Change in Thailand”, East Asian Cultural Studies, XIII (1974): 24Google Scholar.

42 For a discussion of the role of the wat in the financial and economic life of rural Laos, see Taillard, Christian, “Essai sur la bi-polarisation autourdu vat etde l'écoledesvillages laode laplainede Vientiane: le bouddhisme populaire confronte au développement économique”, Asie du Sud-Est et Monde Insulindien, V, 3 (1974): 91–108Google Scholar.

43 Mahacanla, op. cit., p. 47.

44 For the best account of the nature of popular Buddhism in Laos, see Condominas, Georges, “Notes sur le bouddhisme populaire en milieu rural lao”, Archives de Sociologie des Religions, XIII, 25 (Jan.-June 1968): 81–110CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and XIII, 26 (July-Dec. 1968): 111–50.

45 Yatsushiro, Toshio, Village Organization and Leadership in Thailand: A Summary (Bangkok: USOM Research Division, Mimeo, June 1966), pp. 115–16Google Scholar.

46 Mahacanla, op. cit., pp. 48–49. It must be noted that Mahacanla is not an objective witness. However, his observations have generally been borne out by other refugee monks.

47 Destruction of the sangha as an independent hierarchy was all the more important in the Lao context since the sangha represented the only barrier to imposition of a Marxist-Leninist social structure. The sangha was “the only hierarchy within a weakly structured society”, see Boutsavath and Chapelier, op. cit., p. 2.

48 Mahacanla, op. cit., pp. 58–59. The importance of reorganizing the sangha hierarchy as a means of imposing PL control was emphasized by Bhikkhu Sathukhamfan. (Interview, Bangkok, 19 Nov. 1978)

49 Interview with Bhikkhu Vanna Buaphaphong, formerly of Wat Nongbong, in Khong, Champassak province. (Nong Khai refugee camp, northeast Thailand, 18 Nov. 1978).

50 For the qualities the PL looked for in monks, see Mahacanla, pp. 51–53. Many monks undoubtedly did cooperate with the PL, owing partly to conviction of the need for social change, or for recovery of traditional values, especially during 1975. Some monks may have had a sense of importance engendered by their role as teachers in the new society. Such a response to altered conditions can be seen as an attempt to recover lost status by associating with the new leaders of society.

51 This came out in several interviews with refugee Lao monks in Bangkok and Nong Khai in Nov. 1978. These interviews, with groups as well as individuals, presented a consistent picture of PL-sangha relations.

52 “In my view the fall of Laos to the communists was partly the fault of the sangha, because the sangha had many weak points which made it an easy target for the communists' attack…”, Mahacanla, op. cit., p. 70.

53 The reference is presumably to Christian denominations.

54 Documents du Congrés National des Représentants du Peuple (n.p.: Editions Lao Hak Sat, 1976), p. 77.

55 Ibid., p. 25.

56 Far Eastern Economic Review, 19 Nov. 1976.

57 Personal communication from John Everingham, last Western correspondent based in Laos to be expelled from the country, Sept. 1977. The village in question is some 40 km east of Vientiane.

58 Souvannaphouma, Prince Mangra, L'Agonie du Laos (Paris: Plon, 1976), pp. 203–204Google Scholar. See also Amphay, Doré, Le Partage du Mékong (Paris: Encre, 1980), p. 208Google Scholar, where the Phra Bang is said to have “disappeared” by 1978.

59 Vientiane Radio, 6 Apr. 1976. Joint Publications Research Service, Translations on South and East Asia, no. 638, 10 May 1976, pp. 10–12Google Scholar.

60 Sieng Pasasonh (Vientiane), 17 May 1977. It seems, however, that all the “bawdy” aspects may not have been eliminated!

61 Radio Vientiane, 1 May 1976 (Foreign Broadcast Information Service, 8 May 1976).

62 Sieng Pasasonh, 4 May 1977.

63 Peagam, Norman, “Buddhism Retaining Major Role in Laos”, New York Times, 26 Apr. 1977Google Scholar.

64 Sieng Pasasonh, 18 Apr. 1977.

65 Ibid., 19 May 1977.

66 Peagam, op.cit.

67 Action Plan of the Lao United Buddhists Association, op.cit., p. 18.

68 Ibid., p. 20.

69 Phoumi Vongyichit, Speech to Buddhist Teachers, op. cit., pp. 11–16.

70 Sieng Pasasonh, 10 May 1977.

71 Khaosan Palhet Lao, Bulletin Quotidien, 21 Dec. 1978.

72 Khamtan, p. 71.

73 Sieng Pasasonh, 11 June 1977.

74 Khaosan Pathet Lao, Bulletin Quotidien, 27 Mar. 1979.

75 Khaosan Pathet Lao, Bulletin Quotidien, 30 Oct. 1979.

76 Khaosan Pathet Lao, Bulletin Quotidien, 7 Mar. 1979.

77 Khaosan Pathet Lao, Bulletin Quotidien, 3 July 1979.

78 Peagam, op. cit. In 1969 the sangha had 17,598 members (Boutsavath and Chapelier, p.4), but of these almost 43% were under the age of 25 and would therefore probably be serving a temporary novitiate of less than three months. Given the pressures on young monks to leave the sangha being applied by the new regime, this figure of 17,000 is almost certainly exaggerated. See below for reports of a severe decline in sangha numbers.

79 For conditions in southern Laos seen from an anti-government angle, see the anonymous report “Vietnam's rebellious ‘colony”’, Far Eastern Economic Review, 18 Aug. 1978, which mentions popular reaction to PL Buddhist policy.

80 Interview with Bhikkhu Mahābunkong Singsuwan, formerly of Wat Mixayarame, Vientiane (Wat Phukhau Thong, Bangkok, 13 Nov. 1978).

81 Interview with Bhikkhu Vanna (Nong Khai, 18 Nov. 1978).

82 Mahacanla, op. cit., pp. 75–76. Meditation, and the attitude of detachment (upekkha) which it engenders, have been consistently denounced by the PL. Adopting a position of upekkha is “equivalent to perpetuating the old regime and condoning oppression by the privileged class — which would betray the true aims of Buddhism and the true nature of the sangha”. Khamtan, op.cit., p. 76.

83 Amphay Doré claims that an attempt was made in Muong Nane district, Luang Prabang province, in 1978 to stamp out Buddhism altogether, but that this “pilot project” was defeated through popular resistance. Doré, pp. 243–44.

84 New York Times, 15 Mar. 1979. Since Thammayano's flight, Bouakham Voraphet has been Honorary President of the Lao United Buddhists Association with Thongkhoune Anantasounthone as President. However it appears that both of these are figureheads while Khamtan Thepbuali remains the real power within the sangha.

85 For pressures on members to leave the sangha see Mahacanla, op.cit., pp. 64–66.

86 Mahabunkong, Bangkok, 13 Nov. 1978.

87 Vanna, Nong Khai, 18 Nov. 1978.

88 New York Times, 15 Mar. 1979.

89 Mahabunkong, Bangkok, 13 Nov. 1978.

90 This point was made by a layman named Visay who fled Vientiane on 16 Nov. 1978. (Interview, Nong Khai camp, 18 Nov. 1978.) Visay reported that some people still took offerings of rice to the wats, but that many monks were away on long indoctrination courses. He confirmed that some monks in Vientiane had been arrested.

91 For an account of anti-government insurgency, particularly in southern Laos, see Nayan Chanda, “The Sound of Distant Gunfire”, Far Eastern Economic Review, 8 Dec. 1978. The agreement between Laos and Thailand that each would prevent the use of their territory as bases for guerrilla attacks against the other led to a reduction of insurgent activity during 1979. Relations between the two countries have since deteriorated.

92 It seems most unlikely that, as Doré has suggested (p. 137), Lao Buddhism will be influenced by “revolutionary heroism” to evolve a Mahayanist doctrine of the bodhisattva. There would seem to be little opportunity for Buddhist heroics in the new Laos, except in upholding traditional Theravada values against Vietnamese Communism.

93 In part the reason may be that the government is actively involving the sangha in its pro-Vietnamese, anti-Chinese propaganda campaign, which it sees as a matter of national survival. See Phoumi Vongvichit, Speech to the annual conference of Buddhist monks held in Vientiane in Jan. 1980, broadcast over Vientiane Radio, 16 Jan. 1980. (Foreign Broadcast Information Service, 18 Jan. 1980, pp. 134–35.)

94 Interview with Khamtan Thepbuali, Vientiane, 6 Dec. 1980.