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The Settlement of the Barbarians in Southern Gaul

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

E. A. Thompson
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Extract

In 418 the Patrician Constantius recalled the Visigoths from Spain and settled them in the province of Aquitanica Secunda (on the western seaboard of Gaul between the mouth of the Garonne and that of the Loire) and in some neighbouring civitates. Where these neighbouring cities lay is not certain. One of them was Toulouse in Narbonensis Prima, and this became the capital of the Visigothic kings. Salvian writing in 440–1 seems to imply that the Visigoths controlled Novempopulana as well as Aquitanica II. That is an exaggeration, but it may well be that the additional cities granted to the Visigoths over and above Aquitanica II lay immediately south of the Garonne. And this is in some measure confirmed by the fact that in 439 Orientius, Bishop of Auch, acted as the Visigothic king's ambassador to Litorius and Aëtius. We may conclude that in addition to Aquitanica the Visigothic kings controlled a strip of land south of the Garonne running from Toulouse to the ocean, but this did not extend to the Pyrenees. Moreover, they did not control any land north of the Loire. Whether they allowed themselves to be dispersed uniformly over the whole of their territory or whether they were concentrated in more or less dense settlements in restricted parts of their new kingdom is obscure.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 46 , Issue 1-2 , November 1956 , pp. 65 - 75
Copyright
Copyright © E. A. Thompson 1956. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

1 Chron. Min., I, 469, s.a. 419, ‘Constantius patricius pacem firmat cum Wallia data ei ad inhabitandum secunda Aquitanica et quibusdam civitatibus confinium provinciarum,’ II, 19 s.a. 418, ‘Gothi intermisso certamine quod agebant per Constantium ad Gallias revocati sedes in Aquitanica a Tolosa usque ad Oceanum acceperunt.’ The treaty is discussed by Kaufmann, G., ‘Ueber das Foederatverhältniss des tolosanischen Reichs zu Rom,’ Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, VI (1866), 433–76, at 441–4Google Scholar.

2 Salvian VII, 7 ff.

3 Vita S. Orientii, III (AASS I, May, 63). There are some inconsistencies in the extant accounts of the war of 439, but they are not sufficient to warrant us in denying the value of this Vita. Contra, Lécrivain, C., Annales du Midi, III (1891), 257 f.CrossRefGoogle Scholar, Molinier, A., Les sources de l'histoire de France, I, (Paris, 1901), 48Google Scholar. Even Courcelle, P., Rev. Ét. Anc. XLIX (1947), 169–177Google Scholar, who (unnecessarily, in my view) doubts the value of the Vita as a whole, allows (ibid., 177, n. 1) that the episode about Litorius does not depend on any extant source and that it has some historical value. Why he should suppose (ibid.) that Salvian used a ‘source’ for his account of Litorius' campaign in 439 is more than I can say.

4 Chron. Min., II, 19 s.a. 418, ‘per Ligerem fluvium.’

5 The suggestions put forward by place-name scholars, e.g. Gamillscheg, should be treated with reserve, as these scholars appear to have used faulty methods in reaching their conclusions : see F. Lot, ‘Que nous apprennent sur le peuplement germanique de la France les récents travaux de toponymie ?’ CRAI (1945), 289–98.

6 Reinhart, W., ‘Sobre el asentamiento de los Visigodos en la Peninsula,’ Archivo español de Arqueologia, XVIII (1945), 124–39Google Scholar, Werner, J., Germania XXVIII (1944–1950, 279–281)Google Scholar. It is a pity that Reinhart does not give a bibliography to the illuminating map which he publishes, ibid., 137.

7 Chron. Min., I, 600 s.a. 443 ‘Sapaudia Burgundionum reliquiis datur cum indigenis dividenda.’

8 For bibliography and discussion see Martin, P. E., ‘Le problème de la Sapaudia,’ Zeitschr. f. schweizerische Geschichte, XVIII (1933), 183–205Google Scholar, Lot, F., ‘Les limites de la Sapaudia,’ Revue sauoisienne, LXVII (1935), 146–56Google Scholar. But the equation Ebrudunum = Yverdon should not be lightly rejected: see van Berchem, D., ‘Ebrudunum-Yverdon, station d'une flotille militaire au Bas-empire,’ Zeitschr. f. schweizerische Geschichte, XVII (1937), 83–94Google Scholar.

9 Chron. Min., I, 305 s.a. 457 ‘post cuius ( = Rechiarius, who died in December 456) caedem Gundiocus rex Burgundionum cum gente et omni praesidio annuente sibi Theudorico ac Gothis intra Galliam ad habitandum ingressus societate et amicitia Gothorum functus,’ II, 232 s.a. 456, ‘eo anno Burgundiones partem Galliae occupaverunt terrasque cum Gallis senatoribus diviserunt.’

10 Fredegarius, II, 46.

11 Leg. Burg., LIV, I, a law which cannot have been issued by any other king than Gundobad: Gaupp, E. T., Die germanischen Ansiedlungen und Landtheilurgen (Breslau, 1844), 320 fGoogle Scholar.

12 H. Zeiss, ‘Studien zu den Grabfunden aus dem Burgundenreich an der Rhone,’ Sitzungsb. d. Bayerischen Akad. d. Wissens.: phil.-hist. Abt. (1938), Heft VII, 9 ff. The finds listed by him are not all certainly Burgundian.

13 Chron. Min., I, 660 s.a. 442, ‘Alani, quibus terrae Galliae ulterioris cum incolis dividendae a patricio Aetio traditae fuerant, resistentes armis subigunt et expulsis dominis terrae possessionem vi adipiscuntur,’ ibid., s.a. 440, ‘deserta Valentinae urbis rura Alanis, quibus Sambida praeerat, partienda traduntur.’ These two groups must not be confused: Levison, W., Neues Archiv, XXIX (1904), 136 fGoogle Scholar. Orleans is mentioned in connexion with the former group by Jordanes, , Get., XXXVII, 194Google Scholar.

14 For a full discussion with bibliography see Lot, F., ‘Du régime de l'hospitalité,’ Revue belge de philologie et d'histoire, VII (1928), 975–1011CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

15 Amm. Marc, XXVII, 5, 4–7, Zosimus IV, 10–11, cf. Eunapius, frag. 37 fin., Fiebiger-Schmidt, Inschriftensammlung, no. 167. The fact that Themistius says nothing of the battle does not outweigh the fact that Ammianus does mention it; for Themistius, άτε εἰρήνης ὢν ἐραστής (Or. XVI, 206 C), more than once omits reference to military operations which another orator might have lingered over.

16 Amm. Marc, XXVII, 5, 7, ‘aderant post diversos triennii casus finiendi belli materiae tempestivae: prima quod ex principis diuturna permansione metus augebatur hostilis; dein quod conmerciis vetitis ultima necessariorum inopia barbari stringebantur.’

17 Orosius VII, 43, I, ‘interdicto praecipue atque intercluso omni commeatu navium et peregrinorum usu commerciorum.’ It would be of the utmost interest to know how the prohibition of overseas trade forced the Visigoths to leave Narbonne and go to Spain. What foreign commodities did they need so desperately?

18 Olympiodorus, frag. 29. The name truli in this fragment is discussed by Vasmer, M., ‘Ein vandalischer Name der Goten,’ Studia Neophilologica, XV (1942–1943), 132–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

19 Olympiodorus, frag. 31, Orosius, VII, 43, 12 f., Chron. Min., I, 468 s.a. 416; II, 19 s.a. 416, Jordanes, , Get., XXXII, 165Google Scholar (who says nothing of the famine). There is a discussion of th e treaty of 416 in Kaufmann, art. cit., 436–440.

20 Orosius, l.c.

21 On the date of the de Gub. Dei see A. Haemmerle, Studia Salviana, Diss. Erlangen, 1893, 14 f., Schaefer, A., Römer und Germanen bei Salvian (Breslau, 1930), 38 fGoogle Scholar.

22 Leg. Visig., X, 1, 16. Theodoric II is shown taxing the Romans in his kingdom in Vita S. Viviani, IV (MGH Scr. rer. Merov., III, 96). Attention was drawn to this Vita by Lécrivain, C., ‘Un épisode inconnu de l'histoire des Wisigoths,’ Annales du Midi, I, 1889, 47–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar, but he wrongly took the Theodoric in question to be Theodoric I. The value of the Vita has been defended successfully, in my opinion, by Lot, F., ‘La Vita Viviani et la domination visigothique en Aquitaine,’ Mélanges Paul Fournier (Paris, 1929), 467–77Google Scholar, and Lot's position has not, I think, been upset by Courcelle, art. cit.

23 Leg. Burg., LIV, 2; Sidonius, Carm. XII; Ep., VIII, 3, 2; Baehrens, Poetae Latini Minores, IV, 363, a poem of which an English translation will be found in the unsigned article, ‘Ulfilas, the Apostle of the Goths,’ Edinburgh Review, CXLVI (Oct., 1877), 361–95Google Scholar, at 362. This article was written by Thomas Hodgkin, and apart from some lectures on Claudian it was his first contribution to the study of Italy and her invaders: see Creighton, Louise, Life and Letters of T. Hodgkin (London, 1917), 419 ff.Google Scholar, cf. 102 f.

24 For an excellent estimate of Aëtius' career, see Stein, E., Gesch. d. spätrömischen Reichs, I (Vienna, 1928), 501–17Google Scholar, where note that his military capacity is not called in question.

25 Delbrück, H., Gesch. d. Kriegskunst3, II (Berlin, 1921), 339–41, 347Google Scholar; Coville, A., Recherches sur l'histoire de Lyon du Vme siècle au IXme siècle (Paris, 1928), 190Google Scholar, Lot, art. cit., 989–993, etc. There is a fair measure of agreement on this point.

26 Leg. Burg., LI, 1, et saep. It is hoped to discuss elsewhere the Burgundian laws relating to the inheritance of the sortes.

27 Eunapius, frag. 43, which cannot refer to the time of Valens.

28 Salvian VII, 8.

29 Amm. Marc, XIV, 10, 2; cf. XVIII, 8, 1.

30 So Jullian, C., ‘Notes Gallo-romaines,’ Rev. Ét. Anc. XXII (1920), 275 f.Google Scholar; Coville, o.c., 115–17.

31 Rutilius Namatianus, I, 213–16; Zosimus, VI, 5, 3; Querolus, pp. 16 f., ed. Peiper; cf. Past and Present, II (1952), 11–23Google Scholar.

32 Zosimus, l.c.

33 Rutilius, l.c.

34 Constantius, Vita Germani, XXVIII, cf. XL. The defeat of Tibatto was completed before 446 : Merobaudes, Paneg., II, 13. Aëtius' wars against the Armoricans are also mentioned in John of Antioch, frag. 201, 3.

35 Bibliography and discussion in Coville, o.c., 115–17, who believes, however, that the military strength of the Burgundians was far greater after 437 than it appears to have been in fact.

36 Nesselhauf, H., ‘Die spätrömische Verwaltung der gallisch-germanischen Länder,’ Abh. d. preussischen Akad. d. Wissens.: phil.-hist. Klasse (1938), II, 73Google Scholar, holds this view, but his arguments are far from convincing. So, too, Wais, G. J., Die Alamannen (Berlin, 1943)Google Scholar, III ff. Contrast Martin, P. E., ‘La fin de la domination romaine en Suisse et l'occupation germanique,’ Bulletin de la société d'histoire et d'archéologie de Genève, VI (1935), 3–30Google Scholar. Heuberger, R., ‘Das ostgotische Rätien,’ Klio, XXX (1937), 77–109, at 83–93Google Scholar; L. Schmidt, ‘Zur Geschichte der alamannischen Besiedlung der Schweiz,’ Zeitschr. f. schweizerische Geschichte, XVIII (1938), 369–79; Staehelin, F., Die Schweiz in römischer Zeit3 (Basel, 1948), 321 ff.Google Scholar; R. Laur-Belart, ‘The Late Limes from Basel to the Lake of Constance,’ apud Birley, E. (ed.), The Congress of Roman Frontier Studies, 1949 (Durham, 1952), 55–67Google Scholar, at 66; Fellmann, R., Historia IV (1955), 214 ffGoogle Scholar.

37 Laur-Belart, art. cit., 64 f.

38 Sidonius, , carm. VIII, 373–5Google Scholar; Staehelin, o.c., 321 ff.

39 Sidonius, , carm. V, 373 ff.Google Scholar: Staehelin, l.c.

40 Salvian, IV, 68.

41 Chron. Min., I, 660 s.a. 439, ‘pacatis motibus Galliarum Aetius ad Italiam regreditur.’

42 The Alans crushed the landowners in 442, and it is commonly assumed, e.g. by Stein, o.c., I, 492, that they did so when actually being planted there. But it would not be inconsistent with our source, quoted on p. 66 n. 13 above, to suppose that they had been settled there for some time and that it was only now that trouble broke out.

43 Chron. Min., I, 660 s.a. 435, ‘Gallia ulterior Tibattonem principem rebellionis secuta a Romana societate discessit, a quo tracto initio omnia paene Galliarum servitia in Bacaudam conspiravere.’

44 Staehelin, o.c., 266, Blondel, L., ‘L'enceinte romain de Genève,’ Genava, II (1924), 109–29, at 127Google Scholar.

45 Zosimus, VI, 2, 3–5.

46 Flavius Merobaudes, who defeated a Bacaudic revolt in Spain in 443 (Chron. Min., II, 24 s.a. 443), also fought a campaign in the Alps before the year 435 : ILS 2950 ‘inter arma litteris militabat et in Alpibus acuebat eloquium.’ Who were his opponents in Alpibus?

47 Chron. Min., II, 22 s.a. 430; Sidonius, carm. VII, 233 f.