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Mining in the Later Roman Empire and Beyond: Continuity or Disruption?*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

J. C. Edmondson
J. C. Edmondson
Affiliation:
York University, Toronto
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Extract

One of the more tangible benefits that accrued to Rome from the conquest of an empire was the acquisition of significant mineral resources, significant because Italy, although rich in iron, could not provide a sufficient supply of the whole range of metals needed by the Roman state for coinage and by members of the élite for the luxury artefacts that helped to enhance their social status. Once Rome had gained control over metalliferous regions of the Mediterranean, Romans, and especially Italians, were not slow to become involved in mining overseas, while the state came to gain considerable revenue from the leasing of contracts for the right to exploit state-owned mineral resources.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 79 , November 1989 , pp. 84 - 102
Copyright
Copyright © J. C. Edmondson 1989. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

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28 For example, as at Rio Tinto: see n. 25.

29 See, for example, Domergue, C. and Hérail, G., ‘L'utilisation de la photographie aérienne oblique en archéologie et géomorphologie minière: les mines d'or du nord-ouest de l'Espagne’ in Bazzana, A. and Humbert, A. (eds), Prospections aériennes: les paysages et leur histoire: cinq campagnes de la Casa de Velázquez en Espagne (1978–1982) (1983), 89–103Google Scholar.

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33 NH 33. 21. 78; for the arrugiae technique of mining see Domergue, C., ‘A propos de Pline, Naturalis Historia, 33, 70–78 et pour illustrer sa description des mines d'or romaines d'Espagne’, Archivo esp. de arqueologia 45–7 (1972–1974), 499–528Google Scholar, esp. 506, 516–18.

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35 As yet there is no evidence for this post, but since no fewer than thirty-four mining sites have to date been discovered (see Edmondson, op. cit. (n. 15), Appendix I), and since the silver and copper mines of Vipasca in the south of the province of Lusitania had their own procurator (e.g. AE 1933, 273), it seems a reasonable hypothesis.

36 For administration see Tranoy, A., La Galice romaine: recherches sur le nord-ouest de la péninsule ibérique (1981), 178–89Google Scholar; for military presence Jones, R. F. J., ‘The Roman military occupation of north-west Spain’, JRS 66 (1976), 45–66Google Scholar, esp. 60–2.

37 As, for example, at Las Medulas in the Sil valley, with its three aqueduct systems, which brought sufficient water (estimated at c. 34 million litres per day) from a distance of at least twenty kilometres for the flushing of the ore from rock deposits: see Lewis and Jones, art. cit. (n. 32), 174–6, fig. 25 and pl. XX; more generally, Domergue, C., ‘L'eau dans les mines d'or romaines du nord-ouest de l'Espagne’ in Louis, P. (ed.), L'homme et l'eau en Mediterranée et au Proche Orient, III. L'eau dans les techniques (Travaux de la Maison de l'Orient 11) (1986), 109–19Google Scholar.

38 For the Duerna valley see n. 34; for El Caurel: Nogue, J. M. Luzón and Palencia, F. J. Sánchez, El Caurel (Exc. arq. en España 110) (1980)Google Scholar.

39 de Almeida, C. A. Ferreira, ‘Aspectos de mineração romana de ouro em Jales e Trêsminas (Tras-os-Montes)’ in XII Congreso Nacional de Arqueologia, Jaén, 1971 (1973), 553–62Google Scholar.

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41 Domergue, C. and Martin, T., Minas de oro de la provincia de León. 11 (Exc. arq. en España 94) (1977)Google Scholar.

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43 For Brittany, see n. 24; for Cornwall and Devon: Samuel, R. (ed.), Miners, Quarrymen and Saltworkers (1977), 17–18Google Scholar.

44 de Almeida, D. F., ‘Minas de ouro na Gallaecia portuguesa’ in Legio VII Gemina, 287–301, esp. 290–1Google Scholar.

45 But see the sceptical remarks of Arce, op. cit. (n. 12), 123.

46 For their function in mining itself see Bird, art. cit. (n. 23), 353 ff.; cf. C. Domergue, ‘Mines d'or romaines du nord-ouest de l'Espagne: Les “Coronas”: technique d'exploitation ou habitats?’, ibid., II, 370–83 (arguing that they were simply settlements).

47 See above p. 86 and n. 22.

48 Diod. Sic. 5. 36; Strabo 3. 2. 10; Richardson, art. cit. (n. 1). For Roman Republican coinhoards from silver mines see Crawford, M. H., Roman Republican Coinhoards (1969), nos 186, 196Google Scholar (Sierra Morena), 194 (Rio Tinto), 181 (El Centenillo).

49 In general B. Rothenberg and Freijeiro, A. Blanco, Studies in Mining and Metallurgy in South- West Spain (1981), 96–114Google Scholar; Avery, D., Not on Queen Victoria's Birthday: the story of the Rio Tinto mines (1974), 419–27Google Scholar and, especially, Jones, art. cit. (n. 25).

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54 For refs. to Lusitanian tin mines see Edmondson, op. cit. (n. 15), 223, 225–30, 236–41; for Galicia: Tranoy, op. cit. (n. 36), 220–1.

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56 Blázquez, op. cit. (n. 16), 245–6; de Motes, J. Maluquer, ‘Excavaciones arqueológicas en el castro de “Las Merchanas” (Lumbrales, Salamanca)’, Pyrenae 4 (1968), 101–28Google Scholar.

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58 CTh 10. 19. 7 of 370 or 373; 10. 19. 12 of 392.

59 CTh 1. 32. 5 of 386.

60 10. 19. 9 of 378, advising the prefects of these two regions to arrest those miners who had escaped to Sardinia.

61 In general on Dolaucothi Lewis, P. R. and Jones, G. D. B., ‘The Dolaucothi gold mines. I. The surface evidence’, AntJ 49 (1969), 244–72Google Scholar; for coins: Boon, G. C., ‘Aperçu sur la production des métaux non ferreux dans la Bretagne romaine’, Apulum 9 (1971), 453–503Google Scholar, esp. 502.

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64 Kandanos: Sanders, I. F., Roman Crete: an archaeological survey and gazetteer of late Hellenistic, Roman and early Byzantine Crete (1982), 33, 171Google Scholar; Thasos: de Courtils, J., Koželj, T. and Müller, A., ‘Des mines d'or à Thasos’, BCH 106 (1982), 409–17, esp. 417Google Scholar. I owe this point to Simon Price.

65 Plin., NH 33. 21. 67; M. Zaninović, ‘The economy of Roman Dalmatia’, ANRW II, 6 (1977), 767–809, esp. 796–8. The inscription is CIL III, 12736 of 274.

66 As, for example, in later Spanish silver mining in Mexico: Brading, D. A., Mines and Merchants in Bourbon Mexico 1763–1810 (1971), 7Google Scholar.

67 Werner, M. R., ‘The archaeological evidence for gold smelting at Kraku'lu Yordan, Yugoslavia, in the late Roman period’ in Craddock, P. T. and Hughes, M. J. (eds), Furnaces and Smelting Technology in Antiquity (British Museum Occasional Paper 48) (1985), 219–27Google Scholar.

68 See below, pp. 97–9.

69 Twinam, A., Miners, Merchants and Farmers in Colonial Colombia (1982), 16–17Google Scholar.

70 Mt Tmolus: Strabo 13. 1. 23; Lusitanian tin: see above, p. 91 and n. 54.

71 Samuel, op. cit. (n. 43), 34.

72 Brading, D. A. and Cross, H. E., ‘Colonial silver mining: Mexico and Peru’, Hispanic American Historical Review 52 (1972), 545–79CrossRefGoogle Scholar. esp. 554–5.

73 Freijeiro, A. Blanco and Nogue, J. M. Luzón, ‘Pre-Roman silver miners at Riotinto’, Antiquity 43 (1969), 124–31Google Scholar; Rothenberg and Blanco Freijeiro, op. cit. (n. 49), 173.

74 See below Section IV. 3 (a).

75 Samuel, op. cit. (n. 43), 20–1.

76 For example, the Buritica mine, where production dwindled after 1620: Twinam, op. cit. (n. 69), 16–17.

77 See above, p. 90 and n. 51.

78 Thus remains of water-wheel systems have been found in the mines of São Domingos (Portugal), Tharsis and Rio Tinto, Archimedean screws at Mina Santa Barbara (Posadas) and Sotiel Coronada, and a bronze water pump also at Sotiel Coronada: Nogue, J. M. Luzón, ‘Los sistemas de desague en minas romanas del suroeste peninsular’, Archivo español de arqueologia 41 (1968), 101–20Google Scholar.

79 I am grateful to Prof. J. Wilkes for pointing this out in discussion.

80 For some rough orders of magnitude for three mines in the Iberian Pyrites zone see Edmondson, op. cit. (n. 15), 77–81.

81 CTh 11. 16. 15 (A.D. 382), 11. 16. 18 (A.D. 390).

82 Plin., NH 33. 40. 118–21.

83 Brading, op. cit. (n. 66), 11.

84 For a graphic survey of the costs of mining see Hopkins, K., ‘Economic growth and towns in classical antiquity’ in Abrams, P. and Wrigley, E. A. (eds), Towns in Societies (1978), 35–77, esp. 55–7.Google Scholar

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86 Fisher, J. R., Silver Mines and Silver Miners in Colonial Peru 1776–1824 (1977), 121Google Scholar.

87 For example in the Taxco and Pachuca mines, but compare the wage labour system at Zacatecas: Brading, op. cit. (n. 66), 8.

88 For example, certain Dalmatians were transferred to Moesia Superior to work in the mines: Dušanić, art. cit. (n. 4), 93.

89 For inscriptions from some Lusitanian mines, Edmondson, op. cit. (n. 15), 62–4, 83–5; the Lex Metalli Vipascensis (CIL II, 5181 = FIRA I, 105) refers to freeborn conductores and coloni, to freedmen and to slaves, and even makes mention of freeborn hired labourers (mercenarii); for Dacia: Berger, A., ‘A labor contract of A.D. 164’, CPh 43 (1948), 231–42Google Scholar.

90 Millar, art. cit. (n. 17), 137–43.

91 See n. 22 for refs.

92 For example, Jones, A. H. M., ‘The Roman colonate’, Past and Present 13 (1958), 1–13Google Scholar; Thompson, E. A., ‘Peasant revolts in late Roman Gaul and Spain’, Past and Present 2 (1952), 11–23Google Scholar.

93 Samuel, op. cit. (n. 43), 3–4.

94 5. 1. 12.

95 Dubois, C. and Guilbaut, J., ‘Antiques mines de cuivre du Seronais (Pyrénées ariégoises)’ in Mines et fonderies antiques de la Gaule (1982), 95–123, esp. 116Google Scholar.

96 Dig. 48. 19. 8. 4; F. Millar, art. cit. (n. 17).

97 Plin., NH 34. 49. 164: ‘black lead which we use for pipes and sheets is mined with considerable effort in Spain and throughout the Gallic provinces, but in Britain it is found just below the surface of the ground in such abundance that there is a law prohibiting the production of more than a certain amount.’

98 Jones, art. cit. (n. 25), 162–3.

99 For example, C. Iulius Silvanus held procuratorships in Gaul, north-west Spain and then Dalmatia, all mining zones: Tranoy, op. cit. (n. 36), 183–4; or Saturninus, procurator in north-west Spain and then Vipasca: le Roux, P., ‘Procurator affranchi in Hispania: Saturninus et l'activité minière’, MDAI(M) 26 (1985), 218–33Google Scholar.

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102 For example, Jones, art. cit. (n. 36).

103 Whittaker, C. R., ‘Trade and frontiers of the Roman Empire’ in Garnsey, P. and Whittaker, C. R. (eds), Trade and Famine in Classical Antiquity (Camb. Phil. Soc., Suppl. Vol. 8) (1983), 118Google Scholar.

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105 SHA, M.Ant. 21. 1; 22. 11; cf. ILS 1327, 1354, 1354a.

106 See above p. 90 and n. 53.

107 Jones, art. cit. (n. 25), 162.

108 See pp. 92–3 and n. 67.

109 CTh 1. 32. 5.

110 Crook, op. cit. (n. 21), 161–2; Millar, F., The Emperor in the Roman World (1977), 181–5Google Scholar.

111 On private mines see further Negri, G., Diritto minerario romano. 1. Studi esegetici sul regime delle cave private nel pensiero dei giuristi classici (1985)Google Scholar. I owe this reference to Michael Crawford.

112 For the effects of silver mines on local economy in later Mexican mines see Brading, op. cit. (n. 66), 6–7.

113 For example, Palencia, F. J. Sánchez, ‘Prospecciones en las explotaciones auríferas del noroeste de España (cuenca de los rios Eria y Sierra del Tereno)’, Noticiario arq. hispánico 8 (1980), 212–49, esp. 238Google Scholar.

114 See above p. 95 and n. 85.

115 Long, N. and Roberts, B., Miners, Peasants and Entrepreneurs: regional development in the central highlands of Peru (1984), 26–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

116 CTh 11. 20. 6 (A.D. 430).

117 On taxes see in general Jones, op. cit. (n. 6), 462–9.

118 CTh 11. 21. 3 (A.D. 424).

119 For procurators: CTh 1. 32. 5; for comes sacrarum largitionum: Jones, op. cit. (n. 6), 369–70; King, art. cit. (n. 11).

120 CTh 10. 19. 3, 4, 12, dated respectively to 365, 367 and 392.

121 CTh 10. 19. 13 (A.D. 393).

122 For example, see Collins, R., ‘Mérida and Toledo, 550–585’ in James, E. (ed.), Visigothic Spain: new approaches (1980), 189–219Google Scholar.

123 Salin, E. and France-Lanour, A., Rhin et Orient. II Le fer à l'époque mérovingienne (1943)Google Scholar.

124 Gregory of Tours, HF is full of references to wealth held in silver plate and gold: e.g. 6. 28; 6. 45: 9. 34; see in general Kent, J. P. C. and Painter, K. S., Wealth of the Roman World: gold and silver A.D. 300–700 (1977)Google Scholar.

125 Grierson, P. and Blackburn, M., Medieval European Coinage. I. The Early Middle Ages (5th to 10th centuries) (1986)Google Scholar.

126 King, op. cit. (n. 20), 191–2; see Lex Visig. 7. 6 for measures against counterfeiters.

127 As shown, for example, in a Visigothic fiscal document from Barcino (Barcelona), dated to 592; those wanting to pay their taxes in kind had to arrange the necessary commutation with the local tax officials: see King, op. cit. (n. 20), 69–70.

128 Pereira, I., Bost, J.-P., Hiernard, J., Fouilles de Conimbriga. III. Les monnaies (1974), 303–4Google Scholar. I am grateful to Michael Crawford for his comments here.

129 Barral i Altet, X., La circulation des monnaies suèves et visigotiques: contribution à l'histoire èconomique du royaume visigot (Beihefte der Francia 4) (1976), 71–2Google Scholar. For a general survey, de Valdeavellano, L. Garcia, ‘La moneda y la economia de cambio en la peninsula ibérica desde el siglo VI hasta mediados del siglo XI’, Sett. de Stud. del Centro Ital. di Studi sull' Alto Med. 8 (1961), 203–30Google Scholar.

130 Etym. 14. 4. 28; 13. 21. 33; 16. 22. 1; 5. 27. 31.

131 Díaz, M. C. Díaz y, ‘Metales y mineria en la época visigotica a traves de Isidoro de Sevilla’ in La Mineria hispana e iberoamericana (1970), 261–74Google Scholar.

132 Davies, op. cit. (n. 18), 76.

133 Galliou, art. cit. (n. 24), 21–32, esp. 23; Sotiel Coronada: Díaz y Díaz, art. cit. (n. 131), 272, n. 35, referring to ‘frequent discovery of Visigothic coins’ and a Visigothic necropolis near the mines at Carlos Cerdan.

134 Barral i Altet, op. cit. (n. 129), 24–5, 53.

135 On Sueves in general, Thompson, E. A., ‘The end of Roman Spain. I’, Nottingham Medieval Studies 20 (1976), 3–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 18 ff. and ‘The end of Roman Spain. II’, ibid., 21 (1977), 3–31, esp. 3–15.

136 So Grierson and Blackburn, op. cit. (n. 125), 78.

137 Miles, G. C., The Coinage of the Visigoths in Spain: Leovigild to Achila II (1952), 69Google Scholar. The most productive mint was that of Emerita, situated not in an area of gold mines, it is true, but on a major road (later called the ‘Via de la Plata’) that led from the gold mining zone of Asturia via Salamanca to Emerita and thence Seville: Barral i Altet, op. cit. (n. 129), 146.

138 Tamain, G. and Ratz, D., ‘Les aurières de l'ouest du Massif central (France) dans leur contexte géologique et archéologique’ in Mines et fonderies antiques de la Gaule (1982), 33–78, esp. 71–2Google Scholar.

139 Reported by Procopius, Bell. Goth. 3. 33. 5.

140 The Tharsis mines seem to have gone out of operation as a result of insecurity caused by the Visigothic invasions: see above p. 90 and n. 51.

141 Thompson, E. A., ‘The end of Roman Spain, IV’, Nottingham Med. Stud. 23 (1979), 1–21CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 5–8.

142 King, op. cit. (n. 20), 64–70 (tax), 71 (custom dues and obligations).

143 Kind information of Dr Marlia Mango; for mining here in first millenium B.C. see Yener, K. Aslihan and Ozbal, H., ‘The archaeometry of silver and gold in ancient Anatolia: the BolkardaǦ mining district survey’, AJA 90 (1986), 469–72Google Scholar; and ‘Tin in the Turkish Taurus mountains: the BolkardaǦ mining district’, Antiquity 61 (1987), 220–6Google Scholar. For Byzantine mines see Bryer, A. A. M., ‘The question of Byzantine mines in the Pontos’, Anat. St. 32 (1982), 133–50Google Scholar.

144 See in general Collins, R., Early Medieval Spain: Unity in Diversity, 400–1000 (1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

145 Lisbon: Edrisi, Description de l'Afrique et de l'Espagne (ed. Dozy, R. and de Gueje, M. J.) (1968), 223Google Scholar; Faro: Tovar, A., Iberische Landeskunde. II. 2. Lusitanien (1976), 207Google Scholar.