Hostname: page-component-77c89778f8-cnmwb Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-18T19:27:09.586Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

A Deed of Foundation from the Territory of Ephesos*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

C. P. Jones
Affiliation:
Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, University of Toronto

Extract

The ‘foundation’ in the juridical sense, ‘the establishing of an institution, together with an endowment or provision for its perpetual maintenance’, is a conspicuous phenomenon of the Hellenistic and imperial periods. Though ancient foundations vary widely in form, purpose, and organization, two kinds predominate. One, of which the fullest examples are Hellenistic, is funerary. The founder forms an association, or endows one already formed, for the cultivation of his and his family's memory by means of ceremonies conducted at the family tomb. The organization is essentially private, and those responsible for the conduct of the foundation are the members of the constituent association. An elaborate and perfectly preserved example is that of Epicteta of Thera, dated about 200 B.C. The other notable form is characteristic of the civic revival of the principate. Here the founder establishes an endowment of which the direct or indirect beneficiary is the city, or some subdivision of the citizenry such as the boule or gerousia. This foundation is essentially public, and the responsibility for administering it rests with the city officials. This type is illustrated by one of the longest of all known foundation-deeds, the dossier relative to the foundation of C. Vibius Salutaris dated to A.D. 104. As well as other kinds of foundation, such as those endowing libraries, salaries for schoolmasters, the maintenance of freeborn boys and girls (the alimenta), there are also hybrids between the two principal types already described. Thus T. Flavius Praxias of Acmoneia provides both for a college of six of his freedmen, presumably intended as a funerary association similar to Epicteta's, and for the boule and archontes of Acmoneia to see to the overall management of the foundation, including the protection of the freedmen.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © C. P. Jones 1983. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Oxford English Dictionary s.v. 3. On ancient foundations the best general work, though now badly in need of revision, is B. Laum, Stiftungen in der griechischen und römischen Antike (1914: references are to the second volume unless otherwise indicated): the study of A. Mannzmann, Griechische Stiftungsurkunden, Fontes et Commentationes, Inst. für Epigraphik an der Univ. Münster 2 (1962), is not successful, cf. Bull. 1963. 50, 1964. 73, 1965. 83. Recent studies of particular texts include L. Robert, Documents de l'Asie mineure méridionale (1966), 34–8; K. Rigsby, AJP 100 (1979), 401–7; Th. Drew-Bear, Chiron 10 (1980), 509–36; Herrmann, P., Studien zur antiken Sozialgeschichte: Festschrift Friedrich Vittinghoff (1980), 339–56Google Scholar.

2 IG XII, 3, 330; Laum no. 43; Michel no. 1001.

3 Heberdey, Ephes. 2 (1912), 127–47 no. 27; BMus. Inscr. IV, 2, no. *481; Oliver, James H., The Sacred Gerusia, Hesperia Suppl. Vol. 6 (1941), 5585Google Scholar no. 3; id., The Ruling Power, Trans. Amer. Philos. Assoc. 43, 4 (1953), 963–5 (part only); I. Ephesos I a no. 27.

4 Cumont, Fr., Musées royaux du Cinquentenaire, Bruxelles: Catalogue des sculptures et inscriptions antiques2 (1913), 150–5 no. 133Google Scholar; Laum no. 173; IGR IV, 661 (both ignoring Cumont). For discussion of the text, A. Wilhelm, Griechische Inschriften rechtlichen Inhalts, Πρακτικὰ Ἀκ. Ἀθ. 17, I (1951), 100–2 (Akademieschriften III, 494–6), whence SEG XIII, 542; Bull. 1953. 190; Robert, , Hellenica 11/12 (1960), 412Google Scholar n. 2.

5 Keil-Premerstein, Dritter Bericht (1914), 88–90 no. 117, whence I. Ephesos VII, 1, 3214.

6 For sketch-maps of the area, KP, Dritter Bericht ad fin., I. Ephesos VII, 1, ad fin. KP, pp. 84, 86–8, argued cogently for identifying the ancient site of Tire with the Ἀπατειρηνῶν κατοικια rather than Thyaira (Thyeira), which they placed about 20 km. to the north (cf. Keil, , RE 6 A (1936), 656Google Scholar). A new inscription from Peşrefli Köyü about 15 km. to the east has been thought to support the identification of Tire with Thyaira (ZPE 33 (1979), 191–2; I. Ephesos VII, 1, 3293), but it mentions several villages spread over a wide area and cannot be used to localize one of them in particular. On the relation of this part of the Cayster valley to Ephesos, Robert, , Noms indigènes dans l'Asie mineure gréco-romaine (1963), 143–5Google Scholar; Bull. 1972. 388.

7 The only discussion I have noticed, as opposed to passing references, is by Kubińiska, J., Les Monuments funéraires dans les inscriptions grecques de l'Asie mineure (1968), 125Google Scholar.

8 KP, p. 88.

9 As noted by Kubińska (above, n. 7); however, for lists in other types of inscription and in papyri, see below, p. 124.

10 I. Ephesos VII, 1, 3334; my information about the discovery is due to Orhan Armağan (communication to S. Şahin of 13 October 1981).

11 Robert, Le Sanctuaire de Sinuri près de Mylasa, Mém. de l'Inst. Franç. d'Arch. de Stamboul 7 (1945), 10 and n. 3: ‘plusieurs fois deux fragments se raccordent exactement, qui ont été décrits, l'un comme blanc, l'autre comme bleuâtre ou gris’.

12 From the material supplied by Georg Rehrenböck, it emerges that KP also had access to a copy published in Homeros 5 (1877), 150 (non vidi): from the fact that they do not cite it, I presume that it too is due to Fontrier.

13 That is, the maximum thickness is identical to that of C.

14 Robert, AJP 100 (1979), 158 n. 25, discussing KP, Dritter Bericht no. 116 (IGR IV, 1662; I. Ephesos VII, 1, 3249).

15 Herrmann, P. and Polatkan, K. Z., Das Testament des Epikrates, Wien. Sitzb. 265, I (1969)Google Scholar; cf. Bull. 1970. 512.

16 On these, Laum I, 180–3.

17 Ephes. 2 no. 27, lines 315–25 (cf. n. 3). The text not being in doubt, I omit critical signs.

18 TAM III, 1, Index XIV 2 s.v. (Termessos); SEG XVII 631, 632, 634 (Perge).

19 Robert, Sinuri (above, n. 11), 63 no. 45 C, lines 1–2, with discussion, p. 66.

20 On the length of the supplement, it is notable that in the following lines, where the restoration is certain, the missing letters number respectively four, three, three, one: this suggests that the gap between fragments A and B narrowed progressively.

21 cf. J. and L. Robert, La Carie (1954), p. 327 no. 177, . Generally, Kühner-Gerth, II, pp. 565–6.

22 Dem. 18. 164, 165. P. Treves, Et. Class. 9 (1940), 138–74; Robert, , Hellenica 10 (1955), 18Google Scholar n. 2.

23 Polybius: Mauersberger, Polybios-Lexikon s.v. ἐπιβάλλω II 4 A; note especially n. 8. I, ἐπιβάλοντο with just below. Inscriptions: Michel no. 459, lines 12, 17 (Telmissos, Caria, early second century B.C.); Syll. 3 685, line 47 = I. Cret. III, iv, 9 (Magnesia on the Maeander, 112 or 111 B.C.); Syll. 3 709, line 21 (IPE I2no. 352, Chersonasos, end of second century B.C.); Holleaux, Et. d'epigr. I, p. 144, line 12 (Delphi, 87/86); Syll. 3 799, line 21 (Cyzicus, A.D. 38). Robert, Sinuri (above, n. 11), 35 no. 11 A, line 10, is undated but of the second or first centuries (Robert, p. 11).

24 Waldmann, H., Die Kommagenischen Kultreformen, EPRO 34 (1973), p. 69Google Scholar, lines 205–9. Thus Waldmann, p. 75; earlier editors misunderstood ἐπιβάληται, for example Dittenberger on OGIS 383 n. 54, Laum on no. 210.

25 Mayser, , Grammatik der griechischen Papyri II, 3, 130Google Scholar, lines 28 ff.: earlier this usage is mainly poetical, Denniston, Greek Particles 2, 374.

26 Robert, BCH 57 (1933), 510 (OMS I, 478), lines 5–10, with Robert's restorations. In line 10 or might be thought of as well as , see below on line 2.

27 Liddell and Scott acknowledge as an ύπεναντία as an adverb, but not -ίον: see, however, OGIS 532, lines 18–19 (Gangra, 5 B.C.), .

28 Dittenberger, OGIS 736 n. 24; Mayser (above, n. 25) II, 2, 1, 63–4.

29 Kontoleon, Ath. Mitt. 14 (1889), 99 no. 34 (I. Ephesos VII, 2, 3726).

30 Ephes. 2 no. 27, line 111–12. For προσκόσμηα in the singular see, besides the examples in Liddell and Scott, I. Ephesos I a no. 10, line 27 (D. Knibbe, Ephes. IX, 1, 1, 57–9 no. D 1): the stone actually reads προκόσμημα, corrected in Bull. 1960. 346. What appears to be another slip, ἀριφνόν in line 7, is in fact a phonetic spelling, cf. Bull. 1960. 157.

31 ibid., lines 362–3. For ἐπικόσμησις see the examples in Liddell and Scott, and especially BCH 35 (1911), 285Google Scholar, . If κόσμησιν were right, the lost letters in line 362 could be supplied by reading πειράσεται (cf. line 403) or ἐπιχείρησει (line 360) in place of πειράσει.

32 e.g. Ephes. 2 no. 27, lines 323–4, ; 530–1, τῆς Ἀ for θεά Ἄρτέμιδς and the like in the imperial period, Robert, , Hellenica 13 (1965), 176Google Scholar.

33 For the related but even more drastic mechanism of invoking the emperor's protection directly, see Rigsby and Herrmann (above, n. 1).

34 SEG XIII, 258, line 36; this text incorporates the proposals of Wilhelm (above, n. 4), 90–100 (Akademieschriften III, 484–94), and makes Laum no. 9 obsolete.

35 For the meaning of ‘Augusti’, Meyer, E., Chiron 5 (1975), 393402Google Scholar; cf. Chr. Habicht, Pergamon VIII 3: Die Inschriften des Asklepieions (1969), 82.

36 Cass. Dio 51. 20. 6.

37 The temple granted by Domitian (bibliography in W. Jobst, Ist. Mitt. 30 (1980, publ. 1981), 259 n. 106) is a provincial and not a municipal one.

38 Jobst (previous n.), 241–60.

39 IG Bulg. III, 1, 995, cited by Robert, , Hellenica 13 (1965), 205Google Scholar, is similar.

40 Laum, I, 195 and II, 86, gives 40,000 by a slip.

41 TAM III, 1, p. 355.

42 On the identity of πρεσβύτεροι and γερουσία Fr. Poland, Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesens (1909), 98–9; to the cities listed there add Pergamon (IGR IV, 293 I, line 49, 294, line 4).

43 Thus Laum no. 107 (Aphrodisias), where it is stipulated that the boule must prosecute violators of the founder's tomb; similarly the foundation of Praxias (above, n. 4).

44 On the distinction between ἐνιαυτός and ἔτος (the natural year), A. Wilhelm, Sitz. Wien 142, 4 (1900), especially 11–13 (Akademieschriften II, 9–22).

45 Pliny, Ep. 4. 13. 6, 10. 70. 2. Generally, Duncan-Jones, R. P., The Economy of the Roman Empire (1974). 304–5Google Scholar.

46 I. Ephesos I a no. 17, lines 51–2.

47 Laum no. 28, lines 85–9 (Syll. 3 672; Pouilloux, Choix no. 13).

48 IG XII, 8, 267, lines 13–16; on the date, J. Pouilloux, Thasos I, 258–9, 277.

49 Laum, 181–2.

50 Robert, Et. anat. 99–108, esp. 101; J. and L. Robert, La Carie (1954), p. 42.

51 Robert, Et. anat. 102–3 with Pl. II, 2 (I. Ephesos VII, 1, 3222; the plate also in R. MacMullen, Enemies of the Roman Order (1966), Pl. IV, 2).

52 I give only the examples I have noticed in the order of I. Ephesos: II 501, III 644, 661, 838 (τῆς χώρας) 965, IV 1034 (τῆς ἰρήνης), VII, 1, 3222; also on a lead weight, Bull. 1967. 513.

53 Generally, Laum, 1 200–1, Robert, Sinuri (n. 11), 69 and n. 7.

54 e.g. Syll. 3 s.v. ξένος.

55 SEG XIII, 258, lines 26–7 (above, n. 34).

56 TAM III, 1, p. 356.

57 LSJ s.v. 1 ad fin.; Wilhelm (above, n. 4), 97–8 (491–2).

58 Heberdey's document B (above, n. 3), lines 134–332.

59 For these negotiations between donors and civic authorities, Robert, Et. anat. 381; id., Hellenica 1 (1940), 50–1.

60 Above, n. 4. Note that the anomalous given in line 17 by older editions (and also McCrum and Woodhead, Documents of the Flavian Emperors no. 500), is eliminated by Cumont's reading, .

61 cf. Petron. 71. 11, ‘horologium in medio, ut quisquis horas inspiciet, velit nolit, nomen meum legat’.

62 IG XII, 2, 29, cf. XII Suppl. p. 9, . Cf. the variation between in inscriptions of Thera, IG XII, 3, p. 260 s.v. (Robert, Ret:. Phil. 18 (1944), 43–4 (OMS III 1409–10)): generally, Kühner-Blass 1, p. 172. On the various fragments attributed to the Potamoneion, S. Charitonidis, (1968), 6; on the honorand, Robert, REA 62 (1960), 309–10 (OMS II, 825–6).

63 cf. IG XII, 3, 330, lines 27–8 (the foundation of Epicteta), .

64 Thus KP, p. 90.

65 J. and L. Robert, Hellenica 9 (1950), 39–50, especially 43.

66 P Oxy. XII, 1449; cf. Otto, W., Priester und Tempel im hellenistischen Ägypten I (1905), 328Google Scholar, and for further examples P. Oxy. XLIX, 3473.

66 I. Ephesos III, 667 A, . On names in ‘Nonn-’, Bull. 1955. 57, 1956. 62.

68 Hdt. 1. 70. 1, : clearly a frieze such as that on the Vix Crater, cf. Enciclopedia dell'Arte Antica VII, figs. 1335–7.

63 Thus at Delos (early third century), (J. Tréheux, Chron. Eg. 32 (1957), 147–50; D. S. 1. 47. 2, of the pillars with engaged statues of Osiris in the Ramasseum at Thebes; Plut., quaest. conv. 673 E, ; Paus. 3. 15. 11, a of Aphrodite, referred to just before as a .

70 OGIS 717, line 6.

71 I. Ephesos II, 437. The editors read though J. and L. Robert, Bull. 1967. 512, had pointed out its impossibility.

72 IG XII, 3, 330, lines 11–13.

73 Thus KP, p. 89: cf. M. Squarciapino, La Scuola di Afrodisia (1943), 7.

74 Liddell and Scott seem to understand it as an adjective; they translate, ‘probably bullets’.

75 The examples in Preisigke, Wörterbuch s.v. 4 are clearer than those in Liddell and Scott s.v. 11. The word and its cognates need not be used only of testamentary disposition, as these two dictionaries imply.